Округа к югу от Луни, такие как Пали, Соджат и Годвар, удобряемые многочисленными мелкими ручжуями, стекающими с Аравалли, в изобилии производят все виды зерновых, за исключением баджры, которая лучше всего растет на песчаной почве; а в Нагоре и Мерте значительное количество более ценных злаков выращивается за счет орошения из колодцев. Обширные западные районы Джалор, Санчор и Бхинмал, включающие [165] пятьсот десять городов и деревень, которые составляют халису, или «фискальные земли», обладают превосходной почвой и преимуществом в виде ручейков с Абу и великого южного барьера; однако развращенное правительство раджи Мана никогда не получает от них и трети их истинного потенциала, в то время как вторжения сахарийцев и других разбойников из синдской пустыни зачастую происходят безнаказанно. Пшеница, ячмень, рис, джуар (просо), мунг (бобовые), тил (кунжут) являются основными продуктами более плодородных земель, тогда как среди песчаных массивов они ограничиваются баджрой, мунгом и тилом. При хорошем управлении Марвар обладает изобилием средств для создания запасов против бедствий, постигающих эти северные регионы; однако предрассудки приходят на помощь опустошениям голова, и хотя вода залегает близко к поверхности во всех южных округах, количество колодцев не идет ни в какое сравнение с Меваром. Обширный округ Нагор, насчитывающий пятьсот шестьдесят городов и деревень и являющийся уделом наследников престола Марру, вопреки физическим трудностям представляет или был сделан исключением; а огромный пласт песчаника, на котором залегает влажная почва, был пробит повсюду усилиями былых дней и содержит больше возможностей для сельского хозяйства, чем многие более плодородные тракты страны.
Природные богатства. —Marwar can boast of some valuable productions of her sterile plains, which make her an object of no little importance in the most distant and more favoured regions of India. The salt lakes of Pachbhadra, Didwana, and Sambhar, are mines of wealth, and their produce is exported over the greater part of Hindustan; while to the marble quarries of Makrana (which gives its name to the mineral), on her eastern frontier, all the splendid edifices of the imperial cities owe their grandeur. The materials used in the palaces of Delhi, Agra, their mosques, and tombs, have been conveyed from Marwar.[10] The quarries, until of late years, yielded a considerable revenue; but the age for palace-building in these regions is no more, and posterity will ask with surprise the sources of such luxury. There are also limestone quarries near Jodhpur and Nagor; and the concrete called kankar is abundant in many of the districts, and chiefly used for mortar. Tin and lead are found at Sojat; alum about Pali, and iron is obtained from Bhinmal and the districts adjoining Gujarat.
Ремесла. —The manufactures of Marwar are of no great importance in a commercial point of view. Abundance of coarse cotton cloths, and blankets, are [166] manufactured from the cotton and wool produced in the country, but they are chiefly used there. Matchlocks, swords, and other warlike implements are fabricated at the capital and at Pali; and at the latter place they make boxes of iron, tinned, so as to resemble the tin boxes of Europe. Iron platters for culinary purposes are in such great demand as to keep the forges constantly going.
Торговые центры. —None of these States are without traffic; each has her mart, or entrepôt; and while Mewar boasts of Bhilwara, Bikaner of Churu, and Amber of Malpura (the city of wealth), the Rathors claim Pali, which is not only the rival of the places just mentioned, but may make pretensions to the title of emporium of Rajputana. These pretensions we may the more readily admit, when we recollect that nine-tenths of the bankers and commercial men of India are natives of Marudes, and these chiefly of the Jain faith. The laity of the Khadatara sect send forth thousands to all parts of India, and the Oswals, so termed from the town of Osian, near the Luni, estimate one hundred thousand families whose occupation is commerce. All these claim a Rajput descent, a fact entirely unknown to the European enquirer into the peculiarities of Hindu manners. The wealth acquired in foreign lands, from the Sutlej to the ocean, returns chiefly to their native soil; but as neither primogeniture nor majorats are sanctioned by the Jain lawgivers, an equal distribution takes place amongst all the sons, though the youngest (as amongst the Getae of Asia, and the Jutes of Kent), receives often a double portion. This arises when the division takes place while the parent is living, being the portion set apart for his own support, which ultimately falls to the youngest, with whom he probably resides. It would be erroneous to say this practice is extensive; though sufficient instances exist to suppose it once was a principle.[11] The bare enumeration of the tribes following commerce would fill a short chapter. A priest of the Jains [167] (my own teacher), who had for a series of years devoted his attention to form a catalogue, which then amounted to nearly eighteen hundred classes, renounced the pursuit, on obtaining from a brother priest, from a distant region, one hundred and fifty new names to add to his list.
Пали был перевалочным пунктом для восточных и западных земель, где произведения Индии, Кашмира и Китая обменивались на товары Европы, Африки, Персии и Аравии. Караваны (китары) из портов Кача и Гуджарата ввозили слоновые кости, медь, финики, гуммиарабик, буру, кокосовые орехи, сукно, шелка, сандаловое дерево, камфору, красители, лекарства, окись и сульфид мышьяка, пряности, кофе и т. д. В обмен они вывозили ситцы, сухофрукты, зиру, [12] асафетиду из Мултана, сахар, опиум (Котах и Малва), шелка и тонкие ткани, поташ, шали, крашеные одеяла, оружие и соль домашнего производства.
Караваны. —The route of the caravans was by Suigam,[13] Sanchor, Bhinmal, Jalor to Pali, and the guardians of the merchandise were almost invariably Charans, a character held sacred by the Rajput. The most desperate outlaw seldom dared to commit any outrage on caravans under the safeguard of these men, the bards of the Rajputs. If not strong enough to defend their convoy with sword and shield, they would threaten the robbers with the chandni, or ‘self-immolation’;[14] and proceed by degrees from a gash in the flesh to a death-wound, or if one victim was insufficient a whole body of women and children was sacrificed (as in the case of the Bamaniya Bhats), for whose blood the marauder is declared responsible hereafter.
Упадок торговли. Торговля опиумом. —Commerce has been almost extinguished within these last twenty years; and paradoxical as it may appear, there was tenfold more activity and enterprise in the midst of that predatory warfare, which rendered India one wide arena of conflict, than in these days of universal pacification. The torpedo touch of monopoly has had more effect on the Kitars than the spear of the desert Sahariya, or Barwatia (outlaw) Rajput—against its benumbing qualities the Charan’s dagger would fall innocuous; it sheds no blood, but it dries up its channels. If the products of the salt-lakes of Rajputana were preferred, even at Benares, to the sea-salt of Bengal, high impost duties excluded it from the market. If the opium of Malwa and Haraoti competed in the China market with our Patna monopoly, again we intervened, not with high export duties, which we were competent to impose, but by laying our shackles upon it at the fountain-head. “Aut Caesar, aut nullus,” is our maxim [168] in these regions; and in a country where our Agents are established only to preserve political relations and the faith of treaties, the basis of which is non-interference in the internal arrangement of their affairs—albeit we have not a single foot of land in sovereignty—we set forth our parwanas, as peremptory as any Russian ukase, and command that no opium shall leave these countries for the accustomed outlets, under pain of confiscation. Some, relying on their skill in eluding our vigilance, or tempted by the high price which these measures produce, or perhaps reckoning upon our justice, and upon impunity if discovered, tried new routes, until confiscation brought them to submission.
Затем мы устанавливаем произвольную цену на этот наркотик и заставляем производителя идти к нам и даже приписываем себе заслугу заботы о его интересах. Даже допуская, что такая цена была окупаемой, основанной на средних показателях прошлых лет, она все равно остается произвольной. Никаких скидок на урожайные или неурожайные годы, когда опиум из-за дефицита будет стоить вдвое дороже, не делается. Наше законодательство рассчитано на «все времена и их перемены». Но это фактическое нарушение верности договоров не ограничивается производителем или розничным торговцем; оно затрагивает и других самым разным образом; оно подрывает нашу репутацию и благосостояние тех, кому в благотворительных целях мы навязали свою защиту. Транзитные пошлины, взимаемые с опиума, составляли статью доходов князей Раджастхана; но конфискация стережет проходы Аравалли и Гуджарата, и если контрабандист не завернет свой груз в обильные складки обмана, раджпут может остаться без своего амал-пани, настоя этого ядро, более дорогого ему, чем жизнь. Бесполезно настаивать на том, что для внутреннего потребления выделяется достаточное количество. Кто будет судьей в этом деле? Или кто настолько слеп, чтобы не видеть, что любая вольность подобного рода подорвет монополию, которая, будучи неразумной в своем зарождении, породила в своем развитии мошенничество, азартные игры и пренебрежение более важным сельскохозяйственным хозяйством? Но эта политика не может не обернуться против себя самой: избыток производимого количества уменьшит ценность первоначальной (патнинской) монополии, если ее ныне ухудшившееся качество не откроет глаза зорким китайцам и не исключит ее с рынка вовсе. [15]
Ярмарки. —There were two annual fairs in his country, Mundwa and Balotra; the first chiefly for cattle. The merchandise of various countries was exposed [169] and purchased by the merchants of the adjoining States. It commenced with the month of Magh, and lasted during six weeks. The other was also for cattle of all kinds, horses, oxen, camels, and the merchandise enumerated amongst the imports and exports of Pali. Persons from all parts of India frequented them; but all these signs of prosperity are vanishing.[16]
Отправление правосудия. —The administration of justice is now very lax in these communities; but at no time were the customary criminal laws of Rajputana sanguinary, except in respect to political crimes, which were very summarily dealt with when practicable. In these feudal associations, however, such crimes are esteemed individual offences, and the whole power of the government is concentrated to punish them; but when they are committed against the community, justice is tempered with mercy, if not benumbed by apathy. In cases even of murder, it is satisfied with fine, corporal punishment, imprisonment, confiscation, or banishment. Inferior crimes, such as larcenies, were punished by fine and imprisonment, and, when practicable, restitution; or, in case of inability to pay, corporal punishment and confinement. But under the present lax system, when this impoverished government has to feed criminals, it may be supposed that their prisons are not overstocked. Since Raja Bijai Singh’s death, the judgment-seat has been vacant. His memory is held in high esteem for the administration of justice, though he carried clemency to excess. He never confirmed a sentence of death; and there is a saying of the criminals, yet extant, more demonstrative of his humanity than of good policy: “When at large we cannot even get rabri (porridge), but in prison we eat laddu (sweetmeat).” Here, as at Jaipur, confined criminals are maintained by individual charity; and it is a well-known fact, that at the latter place, but for the humanity of the mercantile classes, especially those of the Jain persuasion, they might starve. Perhaps it is the knowledge of this circumstance, which holds back the hand of the government, or its agents, who may apply to their own uses the prison-fare. When once confined, the criminals are little thought of, and neglect answers all the ends of cruelty. They have, however, a source of consolation unknown to those who have passed “the bridge of sighs,” or become inmates of the oubliettes of more civilized regions. That fortitude and resignation which religion alone can bestow on the one is obtained through superstition by the other; and the prayers of the prison are poured forth for one of those visitations of Providence [170], which, in humbling the proud, prompts acts of mercy to others in order to ensure it to themselves.[17] The celestial phenomena of eclipses, whether of the sun or moon, although predicted by the Pandits, who for ages have possessed the most approved theory for calculation, are yet looked upon with religious awe by the mass, and as “foreboding change to princes.” Accordingly, when darkness dims the beams of Surya or Chandra, the face of the prisoner of Maru is lighted up with smiles; his deliverance is at hand, and he may join the crowd to hoot and yell, and frighten the monster Rahu[18] from his hold of the “silver-moon.”[19] The birth of a son to the prince, and a new reign, are events likewise joyful to him.
Суд ордалий. —The trial by sagun, literally ‘oath of purgation,’ or ordeal, still exists, and is occasionally had recourse to in Maru, as in other parts of Rajputana; and, if fallen into desuetude, it is not that these judgments of God (as they were styled in the days of European barbarism) are less relied on, but that society is so unhinged that even these appeals to chance find no subjects for practice, excepting by Zalim Singh; and he to the last carried on his antipathy to the Dakins (witches) of Haraoti, who were always submitted to the process by ‘water.’ Trial by ordeal is of very ancient date in India: it was by ‘fire’ that Rama proved the purity of Sita, after her abduction by Ravana, and in the same manner as practised by one of our Saxon kings, by making her walk over a red-hot ploughshare.[20] Besides the two most common tests, by fire and water, there is a third, that of washing the hands in boiling oil. It should be stated, that, in all cases, not only the selection but the appeal to any of these ordeals is the voluntary act of the litigants, and chiefly after the Panchayats, or courts ofof arbitration, have failed. Where justice is denied, or bribery shuts the door, the sufferer will dare his adversary to the sagun, or submission to the judgment of God; and the solemnity of the appeal carries such weight, that it brings redress of itself, though cases do occur where the challenge is accepted, and the author has conversed with individuals who have witnessed the operation of each of the ordeals.[21]
Панчаяты. —The Panchayats arbitrate in civil cases. From these courts of equity, there is an appeal to the Raja; but as unanimity is required in the judges, and a fee or fine must be paid by the appellant, ere his case can come before the prince [171], litigation is checked. The constitution of this court is simple. The plaintiff lays his case before the Hakim of the district, or the Patel of the village where he resides. The plaintiff and defendant have the right of naming the villages (two, each), from whence the members of the Panchayat are to be drawn. Information is accordingly sent to the Patels of the villages specified, who, with their respective Patwaris (Registers), meet at the Atai or ‘village-court.’ Witnesses are summoned and examined on oath, the most common of which is the gaddi-ki-an, ‘allegiance to the throne,’ resembling the ancient adjuration of the Scythians as recorded by Herodotus.[22] This oath is, however, more restricted to Rajputs; the other classes have various forms based upon their religious notions. When the proceedings are finished, and judgment is given, the Hakim puts his seal thereto, and carries it into effect, or prepares it for appeal. It is affirmed that, in the good times of Rajputana, these simple tribunals answered every purpose.
Фискальные доходы. —The fiscal revenues of Marwar are derived from various sources; the principal are—
1. Халиса, или «коронные земли».
2. Соляные озера.
3. Транзитные и ввозные пошлины.
4. Различные налоги, именуемые хасил.
Общая сумма личных доходов князей Марвара в настоящее время не превышает десяти лакхов рупий (100 000 фунтов стерлингов), хотя в царствование Биджай Сингха полвека назад они составляли полные шестнадцать лакхов, половина из которых поступала только от соляных озер. Совокупный доход феодальных земель оценивается в пятьдесят лакхов, или 500 000 фунтов стерлингов. Можно сомневаться, приносят ли они в настоящее время половину этой суммы. [23] Феодальные контингенты оцениваются в пять тысяч всадников, помимо пехоты, причем ценз составляет один кавалерист и два пехотинца на каждую тысячу рупий дохода. [24] Эта заниженная оценка поддерживается ради сохранения номинальной стоимости владений, несмотря на их сильное ухудшение; ибо «рыцарский лен» Марвара ранее оценивался в пятьсот рупий.
Сумма в десять лакхов, упомянутая как валовой доход князя, — это то, что фактически поступает в казну, поскольку из коронных земель обеспечивается много государственных служащих, чьи имения сюда не входят.
Методы сбора налогов. —The revenues are collected from the ryots in kind. A corn-rent, the only one recognized in ancient India, and termed Batai, or ‘division,’ is apportioned equally [172] between the prince and the husbandman: a deviation from the more lenient practice of former times, which gave one-fourth, or one-sixth to the sovereign. Besides this, the cultivator has to pay the expense of guarding the crops, and also those who attend the process of division. An assessment of two rupees is made on every ten maunds,[25] which more than covers the salaries paid to the Shahnas (watchmen), and Kanwaris,[26] and leaves a surplus divided by the Patel and village register (Patwari). A cart-load of karbi (the stalks of juar and bajra) is exacted from every cultivator as fodder for the prince’s cattle; but this is commuted for a rupee, except in seasons of scarcity, when it is stored up. The other officers, as the Patwaris and Patels, are paid out of the respective shares of the farmer and the crown, namely, one-fourth of a ser each, from every maund of produce, or an eightieth part of the gross amount. The cultivators of the Pattawats or feudal chiefs are much better off than those of the Khalisa: from them only two-fifths are exacted; and in lieu of all other taxes and charges, a land-tax of twelve rupees is levied on every hundred bighas of land cultivated. The cultivators repay this mild assessment by attachment to the chiefs.