Битва при Мерте. —Bijai Singh was prepared for the storm, and led his native chivalry to the plains of Merta, where, animated with one impulse, a determination to repel foreign interference, they awaited the Mahrattas, to decide the rival claims to the throne of the desert.[3] The bard delights to enumerate the clans who mustered all their strength; and makes particular allusion to the allodial Pattawats, who were foremost on this occasion. From Pushkar, where the combined army halted, a summons was sent to Bijai Singh “to surrender the gaddi of Maru.” It was read in full convention and answered with shouts of “Battle! Battle!” “Who is this Hapa,[4] thus to scare us, when, were the firmament to fall, our heads would be pillars of support to preserve you?” Such is the hyperbole of the Rajput when excited, nor does his action fall far short of it. The numerical odds were immense against the Rathors; but they little esteemed the Kachhwahas, and their courage had very different aliment to sustain it, from the mercenary Southron. The encounter was of the most desperate description, and the bard deals out a full measure of justice to all.
Во время битвы произошли два случая, каждый из которых был способен отвратить победу от знамени Биджай Сингха в самый момент ее достижения. Один из них уже описывался в другом месте [5], а именно — уничтожение «силаппоши», или кирасиров, отборной когорты ратхоров, возвращавшихся после успешной атаки: их приняли за врага и скосили залпами картечи. Эту ошибку в момент, когда мужество маратхов колебалось, можно было бы исправить, несмотря на то, что суеверные люди превратили это бедствие в дурное предзнаменование. Синдхия уже готовился покинуть поле боя, когда новый поворот колеса фортуны решил исход в его пользу: это обстоятельство ярко демонстрирует непостоянный характер раджпута.
Предательство Сардар Сингха из Кишангарха. —The Raja of Kishangarh had deprived his relative of Rupnagar of his estates; both were junior branches of Marwar, but held direct from the emperor. Sawant Singh, chieftain of Rupnagar, either from constitutional indifference or [123] old age, retired to the sanctuary of Brindaban on the Jumna, and, before the shrine of the Hindu Apollo, poured forth his gratitude for “his escape from hell,” in the loss of his little kingdom. But it was in vain he attempted to inspire young Sardar with the like contempt of mundane glory; to his exhortations the youth replied, “It is well for you, Sire,[6] who have enjoyed life, to resign its sweets so tranquilly; but I am yet a stranger to them.” Taking advantage of the times, he determined to seek a stronger auxiliary for the recovery of his rights than the poetic homilies of Jayadeva. Accordingly, he joined the envoy of Ram Singh, and returned with the Mahratta army, on whose successful operations his hope of reconquering his patrimony rested. It was at that moment of doubt that Apa, the Mahratta commander, thus addressed young Sardar: “Your star, young man, is united to Ram Singh’s, which fortune does not favour; what more is to be done before we move off?” Inexperienced as he was, Sardar knew his countrymen, and their vacillation when touched by superstition; and he obtained permission to try a ruse, as a last resort. He dispatched a horseman of his own clan to the division which pressed them most, who, coming up to the Mainot minister, as if of his own party, asked “what they were fighting for, as Bijai Singh lay dead, killed by a cannon-shot in another part of the field?” Like the ephemeral tribe of diplomacy, the Mainot saw his sun was set. He left the field, followed by the panic-struck clans, amongst whom the report circulated like wildfire. Though accustomed to these stratagems, with which their annals teem, the Rajputs are never on their guard against them; not a man inquired into the truth of the report, and Bijai Singh,—who, deeming himself in the very career of victory, was coolly performing his devotions amidst the clash of swords,—was left almost alone, even without attendants or horses. The lord of Marwar, who, on that morning, commanded the lives of one hundred thousand Rajputs, was indebted for his safety to the mean conveyance of a cart and pair of oxen.[7]
Каждому клану пришлось воздвигнуть памятные плиты в память о погибших лучших воинах; и поскольку в своих междоусобных войнах каждый стремился быть первым в преданности, большинство знатных вождей [124] оказались среди убитых [8]. Бард воздает должное их союзникам, особенно сактаватам из Мевара, чьи мечи были обнажены за дело зятя их правителя. Не обделено похвалой и копьё южан, восхвалять которое, по сути, означает восхвалять самих себя.
Последствия поражения ратхоров. —With the loss of this battle and the dispersion of the Rathors, the strongholds rapidly fell. The cause of Ram Singh was triumphing, and the Mahrattas were spreading over the land of Maru, when foul assassination checked their progress.[9] But the death of Jai Apa, which converted his hordes from auxiliaries to principals in the contest, called aloud for vengeance, that was only to be appeased by the cession of Ajmer, and a fixed triennial tribute on all the lands of Maru, both feudal and fiscal. This arrangement being made, the Mahrattas displayed the virtue common to such mercenary allies: they abandoned Ram Singh to his ‘evil star,’ and took possession of this stronghold, which, placed in the very heart of Rajasthan, perpetuated their influence over its princes.
С этой драгоценностью, так грубо сорванной с ее диадемы, независимость Марвара с того часа стала непрочной. Она продолжала бороться сквозь столетие вторжений, мятежей и преступлений, берущих свое начало — подобно чистой странице в ее летописях — с убийства Аджита. Выражаясь языком дорийской строфы враждебных бардов об этом памятном наказании:
Yād ghana din āvasi,
Āpawāla hel;
Bhāga tinon bhupati,
Māl khajāna mel.[10]
«Многие дни будут помнить они время (хел) Апы, когда трое государей бежали, бросив свои пожитки и сокровища»: намек на правителей Марвара, Биканера и Кишангарха, разделивших бедствия и позор того дня [125].
Юный наследник Рупнагара справедливо претендовал на победу и, подойдя к Апе, чтобы поздравить его, сказал на метафорическом языке своей страны: «Видишь, я сел горчичное зерно в ладонь, когда стоял здесь», сравнивая быстрый успех своей хитрости с молниеносным прорастанием семени. Но Сардар был молодым человеком незаурядных дарований; ибо когда Синдхия из благодарности предложил немедленно ввести его во владение Рупнагаром, он ответил: «Нет, это был бы шаг назад», и посоветовал действовать в интересах своего господина Рам Сингха, «через успех которого лучше всего обеспечится его собственный». Но когда предательство свершило свое черное дело над Джай Апой, подозрение, павшее на каждого раджпута в лагере маратхов, не пощадило и Сардара: повсюду обнажились мечи, и даже посланники мира, эмиссары, подверглись нападениям; среди тех, кто пал до того, как удалось усмирить смуту, был рават Кабир Сингх, первый нобль Мевара, в то время посол Раны при маратхах [11]. Своим последним дыханием Джай Апа защитил и оправдал Сардара и завещал исполнить данное ему обещание о возвращении отцовского наследства. Тело этого выдающегося полководца было сожжено у Тауссара, или «Павлиньего пруда», где воздвигли кенотаф; и в заботе, которую об этом памятнике проявляют даже потомки его врагов, мы видим свидетельство достоинств как победителя, так и побежденного.
Смерть Рам Сингха. —This was the last of twenty-two battles, in which Ram Singh was prodigal of his life for the recovery of his honours. The adversity of his later days had softened the asperity of his temper, and made his early faults be forgotten, though too late for his benefit. He died in exile at Jaipur in A.D. 1773. His person was gigantic; his demeanour affable and courteous; and he was generous to a fault. His understanding was excellent and well cultivated, but his capricious temperament, to which he gave vent with an unbridled vehemence, disgusted the high-minded nobles of Maru, and involved him in exile and misery till his death. It is universally admitted that, both in exterior and accomplishments, not even the great Ajit could compare with Ram Singh, and witchcraft, at the instigation of the chieftain of Asop, is assigned to account for his fits of insanity, which might be better attributed to the early and immoderate use of opium. But in spite of his errors, the fearless courage he displayed, against all odds, kept some of the [126] most valiant of the clans constant to his fortunes, especially the brave Mertias, under the heroic Sher Singh of Rian, whose deeds can never be obliterated from the recollections of the Rathor. Not the least ardent of his adherents was the allodial chief Rup Singh, of the almost forgotten clan, Pattawat; who held out in Phalodi against all attempts, and who, when provisions failed, with his noble associates, slew and ate their camels. The theme is a favourite one for the Kamarya[12] minstrel of Maru, who sings the fidelity of Rupa and his band to the notes of his rabab,[13] to their ever attentive descendants.
Характер раджи Рам Сингха. —We may sum up the character of Ram Singh in the words of the bard, as he contrasts him with his rival. “Fortune never attended the stirrup of Bijai Singh, who never gained a battle, though at the head of a hundred thousand men; but Ram Singh, by his valour and conduct, gained victories with a handful.”
Смерть Рам Сингха не стала панацеей от бед Марвара или его правителя. Маратхи, закрепившиеся теперь в Раджвате, продолжали разжигать выгодные им распри либо при удобном случае опустошать страну в поисках платы или добычи. Биджай Сингх, молодой и неопытный, остался без средств; разорительные войны и еще более разорительные переговоры растратили запасы богатств, накопленные его предшественниками. Королевские земли оставались невозделанными, арендаторы разбежались, а торговля пришла в упадок из-за отсутствия безопасности и распущенности нобилей, которые повсюду устанавливали собственные поборы и время целые караваны грабили. Пока соперник за трон был еще жив, раджа был вынужден закрывать глаза на эти посягательства на его собственную власть, что сводило его к нулю даже в его собственном дворце.
Власть аристократии Марвара. —The aristocracy in Marwar has always possessed more power than in any of the sister principalities around. The cause may be traced to their first settlement in the desert; and it has been kept in action by the peculiarities of their condition, especially in that protracted struggle for the rights of the minor Ajit, against the despotism of the empire. There was another cause, which, at the present juncture, had a very unfortunate influence on the increase of this preponderance, and which arose out of the laws of adoption.
Леном Покаран. —The fief of Pokaran, the most powerful (although a junior) branch of the Champawat clan, adopted a son of Raja Ajit as their chief; his name was Devi Singh [127]. The right of adoption, as has been already explained, rests with the widow of the deceased and the elders of the clan. Why they exercised it as they did on this occasion does not appear; but not improbably at the suggestion of the dying chief, who wished to see his sovereign’s large family provided for, having no sons of his own: or, the immediate claimants may not have possessed the qualities necessary to lead a clan of Maru. Although the moment such adoption takes place, when “the turban of the late incumbent encircled the new lord of Pokaran,” he ought to forget he had any other father than him he succeeded, yet we can easily imagine that, in the present case, his propinquity to the throne, which under other circumstances he might soon have forgotten, was continually forced upon his recollection by the contentions of his parricidal brothers and their offspring for the ‘cushion’ of Marwar. It exemplifies another feature in Rajput institutions, which cut off this son (guiltless of all participation in the treason) from succession, because he was identified with the feudality; while the issue of another, and junior brother, at the same period adopted into the independent house of Idar,[14] were heirs presumptive to Marwar; nay, must supply it with a ruler on failure of heirs, though they should have but one son and be compelled to adopt in his room.[15]
Набор наемников. —The Champawats determined to maintain their influence over the sovereign and the country; and Devi Singh leagued with Awa and the other branches of this clan to the exclusion of all competitors. They formed of their own body a guard of honour for the person of the prince, one half remaining on duty in the castle, the other half being in the town below. While the Raja would lament the distracted state of his country, the inroads of the hill tribes, and the depredations of his own chiefs, Devi Singh of Pokaran would reply, “Why trouble yourself about Marwar? it is in the sheath of my dagger.” The young prince used to unburthen his griefs to his foster-brother Jaga, a man of caution and experience, which qualities he instilled into his sovereign. By dissimulation, and an apparent acquiescence in their plans, he not only eluded suspicion, but, availing himself of their natural indolence of character, at length obtained leave not only to entertain some men of Sind as guards for the town, but to provide supplies for their subsistence: the first approximation towards a standing mercenary force, till then unknown in their annals [128]. We do not mean that the Rajput princes never employed any other than their own feudal clans; they had foreign Rajputs in their pay, but still on the same tenure, holding lands for service; but never till this period had they soldiers entertained on monthly stipend. These hired bands were entirely composed of infantry, having a slight knowledge of European tactics, the superiority of which, even over their high-minded cavaliers, they had so severely experienced in their encounters with the Mahrattas. The same causes had operated on the courts of Udaipur and Jaipur to induce them to adopt the like expedient; to which, more than to the universal demoralization which followed the breaking up of the empire, may be attributed the rapid decay of feudal principles throughout Rajputana. These guards were composed either of Purbia[16] Rajputs, Sindis, Arabs, or Rohillas. They received their orders direct from the prince, through the civil officers of the State, by whom they were entrusted with the execution of all duties of importance or dispatch. Thus they soon formed a complete barrier between the prince and his vassals, and consequently became objects of jealousy and of strife. In like manner did all the other States make approaches towards a standing army; and though the motive in all cases was the same, to curb, or even to extinguish, the strength of the feudal chiefs, it has failed throughout, except in the solitary instance of Kotah, where twenty well-disciplined battalions, and a hundred pieces of artillery, are maintained chiefly from the feudal sequestrations.
Возвращаясь к повествованию: дхабхай, обеспечив себе отряд из семисот человек и получив от вождей пособие (которое можно назвать скутаджем) на их содержание, постепенно перебросил их от верхних постов к воротам замка. Сбросив часть ярма фракции, раджа согласовал со своим молочным братом и диваном Фатех Чандом способы восстановления процветания и порядка. Настолько лишен был средств правитель, что дхабхай прибегнул к угрозам самоубийства, чтобы выбить 50 000 рупий у матери раджи, ставшей таковой в качестве кормилицы (дхай) государя; и настолько исчерпаны были лошадиные запасы страны, что ему пришлось перевозить своих кавалеристов (бывших слишком гордыми, чтобы ходить пешком) на телегах в Нагор. Там под предлогом усмирения горных племен он сформировал армию, снял пушки со стен города и повел плохо вооруженное войско против пограничных горцев; одержав победу, он на обратном пути [129] атаковал замок Силбакри. Это сочли достаточным свидетельством его намерений: все феодальное сословие Мару всполошилось и объединилось ради взаимной безопасности в Бисалпуре, в двадцати милях к востоку от столицы.
Гордхан Сингх ведет переговоры с вождями. —There was a foreign Rajput, whose valour, fidelity, and conduct had excited the notice and regard of Bakhta Singh, who, in his dying hour, recommended him to the service of his son. To Gordhan, the Khichi, a name of no small note in the subsequent history of this reign, did the young Raja apply in order to restrain his chiefs from revolt. In the true spirit of Rajput sentiment, he advised his prince to confide in their honour, and, unattended, to seek and remonstrate with them, while he went before to secure him a good reception. At daybreak, Gordhan was in the camp of the confederates; he told them that their prince, confiding in their loyalty, was advancing to join them, and besought them to march out to receive him. Deaf, however, to entreaty and to remonstrance, not a man would stir, and the prince reached the camp uninvited and unwelcomed. Decision and confidence are essential in all transactions with a Rajput. Gordhan remained not a moment in deliberation, but instantly carried his master direct to the tent of the Awa chief, the premier noble of Marwar. Here the whole body congregated, and silence was broken by the prince, who demanded why his chiefs had abandoned him?
«Махараджа, — ответил чампават, — наши тела имеют лишь одно завершение; будь их два, второе было бы в вашем распоряжении». Последовало томительное обсуждение: сомнения в будущем, взаимные упреки в прошлом; наконец, утомленный и истощенный, правитель потребовал назвать условия, на которых они согласны вернуться к повиновению, после чего были представлены следующие пункты:
1. Распустить силы дхабхая;
2. Передать в их ведение записи о феодах (паттабахи);
3. Перенести двор из цитадели в город.
Не оставалось иного выбора, кроме возобновления гражданской войны или капитуляции; и первый пункт — являвшийся непременным условием (sine qua non) роспуск ненавистной охраны, этого аномального придатка к особе раджпутского правителя, — был немедленно приведен в исполнение. Ни первый, ни последний пункт не могли вызвать у государя удивления или недовольства; однако второй подтачивал самый фундамент его правления, лишая корону ее драгоценнейшей прерогативы — права оказывать милости. После этого поверхностного примирения недовольные нобили рассеялись: кто по своим поместьям [130], а чондаватская олигархия — в столицу вместе с их государем, в надежде вернуть прежнее влияние на него и на страну.