«Индийское рабство в колониальные времена в современных границах Соединенных Штатов»

[22] Margry, op. cit., ii, pp. 141, 272; iv, p. 5.

[23] Hennepin, op. cit., ii, p. 659.

[24] Margry, op. cit., i, p. 527; ii, p. 141.

[25] Jesuit Relations, lxii, p. 67.

[26] Ibid., lxi, p. 195.

[27] Catesby, The Natural History of Carolina, Florida, and the Bahama Islands, etc., ii, p. xiii; Hodge, op. cit., pt. i, p. 532.

[28] Beverly, The History of Virginia in Four Parts, second edition, p. 179; Smith, The General Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles, in Arber’s edition of Captain John Smith’s Works, ii, p. 570.

[29] Memoir of Hernando de Escalante Fontanedo on the Country and Ancient Indian Tribes of Florida, in French, Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, series ii, p. 253.

[30] French, op. cit., pt. iii. p. 68.

[31] Bulletin 43 of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 296.

[32] Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society, v, p. 305.

[33] Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1904–1905, p. 197.

[34] Bureau of American Ethnology Publications, xiv, pt. i, p. 548.

[35] Ibid., p. 449; Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561, p. 314.

[36] French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 74. Du Tisné meditated making peace between the Pawnee and Padouca, and thought it could be done by giving presents to each tribe, and by getting each to return the slaves which it held of the other nation. Chappell, op. cit., p. 26.

[37] Iberville, in 1702, found them to number 2,000 men. Margry, op. cit., iv, pp. 597–599.

[38] Thwaites, Early Western Travels, vi, p. 61; Jesuit Relations, lxix, p. 301.

[39] Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 416.

[40] Narrative of De Boucherville, in Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvii, pp. 42, 55, 89.

[41] Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections, xxxiv, p. 182.

[42] Parkman, A Half Century of Conflict, ii, p. 46.

[43] The term “Pawnee” or “Panis” signifying an Indian slave was especially used in Canada. See J. C. Hamilton, Slavery in Canada, in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, pp. 102–108; “The Panis” in Canadian Institute Proceedings, 1899, pp. 19–27; Smith, The Slave in Canada, in Nova Scotia Historical Society Reports, x, pp. 3, 72.

[44] Grignon, Seventy-two Years’ Recollections of Wisconsin, in Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, iii, p. 256; Thwaites, Early Western Travels, i, pp. 304, 309. In the present state of Michigan, traces are found of Indians holding others as slaves, though the Ordinance of 1787 forbade slavery in the Northwest Territory. Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections, xiv, p. 658.

[45] Hodge, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 598.

[46] Ibid., pt. ii, p. 598.

[47] Ibid., pt. ii, p. 598.

[48] Margry, op. cit., v, p. 506; French, Historical Collections of Louisiana, pt. iii, pp. 33, 34, 68; Cramoisy, Journal de la Guerre du Micissippi contre les Chicachas, pp. 65, 67, 68, 89; La Harpe, Historical Journal of the Establishment of the French in Louisiana, in French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 27; Brickell, op. cit., p. 324.

[49] Douay, Narrative of La Salle’s Expedition, in Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, p. 204; French, op. cit., pt. iv, p. 204.

[50] Shea, op. cit., pp. 205, 211, 216.

[51] French, op. cit., pt. i, p. 42.

[52] Jesuit Relations, xliii, p. 299; xliv, pp. 47, 49; l, p. 115.

[53] Ibid., xliii, p. 293.

[54] Hennepin’s Narrative, in Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, p. 144.

[55] Jesuit Relations, liv, pp. 93, 95.

[56] La Hontan, op. cit., ii, p. 454. A Memoir of La Salle to Frontenac, November 9, 1680, declares that the Illinois forced their slaves to work. The Historical Magazine, v, p. 197.

[57] Bartram, Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida, p. 185.

[58] Jesuit Relations, xvi, p. 199.

[59] Hodge, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 598.

[60] Jesuit Relations, xliii, p. 293. It was the existence of this class of slaves among the Iroquois which the Jesuits deplored most of all.

[61] Carr, The Mounds of the Mississippi Valley Historical Considered, p. 8; Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561, p. 32.

[62] Carr, op. cit., p. 18.

[63] Purchas His Pilgrimes, edition of 1908, iv, pp. 1699–1700.

[64] Brickell, op. cit., p. 321; Lawson, op. cit., p. 188.

[65] Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561, p. 32.

[66] La Hontan, op. cit., ii, p. 432.

[67] Margry, op. cit., iii, p. 339.

[68] Jesuit Relations, lxi, p. 195; La Hontan, op. cit., i, pp. 94, 106, 111, 113; Hennepin, op. cit., ii, p. 509; Carr, op. cit., p. 18.

[69] Jesuit Relations, xvi, p. 199.

[70] Ibid., xvi, p. 199.

[71] La Hontan, op. cit., ii, p. 432.

[72] Hodge, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 598.

[73] Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 345. For the legend of the enslaving and freeing of the Indians of Payupki by the Tusayan, see the Bureau of American Ethnology, Report for 1886–1887, p. 40.

[74] French, op. cit., pt. i, p. 56.

[75] Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi. p. 284.

[76] Ibid., xvi, pp. 306, 429, 444, 447–451.

[77] Ibid., xvi, p. 123.

[78] Ibid., xvi, p. 276.

[79] Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, v, p. 79.

[80] Hodge, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 598.

[81] Ibid.

[82] This statement implies that the term “slave” does not include prisoners of war who were tortured by their captors.

[83] Bartram, op. cit., p. 185.

[84] La Hontan, op. cit., ii, p. 439.

[85] French, op. cit., pt. i, p. 160.

[86] Brickell, The National History of North Carolina, p. 321; Irving, The Conquest of Florida under Hernando de Soto, i, p. 280; Shipp, The History of Hernando de Soto and Florida, etc., p. 367; Pickett, History of Alabama, p. 64. The statements of Irving, Shipp and Pickett are based on the account by Garcilaso de la Vega.

[87] Margry, op. cit., v, p. 95.

[88] Margry, op. cit., v, p. 95; Marshall, Historical Writings Relating to the Early History of the West, p. 211; La Hontan, op. cit., ii, pp. 420, 505.

[89] Marshall, op. cit., p. 212; Hennepin, op. cit., ii, p. 508; Jesuit Relations, xliii, p. 303.

[90] Jesuit Relations, xliii, p. 295.

[91] Ibid., xliii, p. 299; Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, p. 34.

[92] Hodge, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 599.

[93] Jesuit Relations, xliii, p. 293.

[94] Ibid., xliii, p. 293.

[95] Ibid., 1, p. 115.

[96] Bartram, op. cit., p. 186.

[97] La Hontan, op. cit., ii, p. 613.

[98] Bartram, op. cit., p. 186.

[99] La Hontan, op. cit., ii, p. 474. These freed slaves were accustomed to go each day to visit their former masters’ graves to offer pipes and tobacco in acknowledgment of their freedom.

[100] Hodge, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 598.

[101] Ibid., pt. ii, p. 599.

[102] Ibid. For the Iroquois, see Carr, op. cit., p. 18; Margry, op. cit., v, p. 8; Jesuit Relations, lxii, p. 63. For the western Indians, see Hennepin, op. cit., p. 509; Jesuit Relations, lxix, p. 59. For the northern Indians, see Catesby, op. cit., ii. p. xiii (editor’s note).

[103] Hennepin, op. cit., ii, p. 508.

[104] Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1893–1894, p. cxii.

[105] Brickell, op. cit., p. 321; Lawson, op. cit., p. 323; Catesby, op. cit., ii, p. xiii.

[106] Jesuit Relations, liv, p. 237.

[107] La Hontan, op. cit., ii, p. 508.

[108] Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 46.

[109] The holding of slaves by the Indians continued long after colonial times. It naturally died out first in the east, with the growth in power of the whites and the consequent decrease in the numbers and strength of the Indians.

Индейцы региона реки Колумбия держали рабов вплоть до второй половины девятнадцатого века. Они добывали их, выменивая бусины и меха у внутренних племен. «Повествование» Франшэра в кн.: Туэйтс, «Ранние западные путешествия», т. vi, с. 324; т. xxix, с. 242; т. xxx, с. 111. Черноногие, каюсы, вороны и уте имели обыкновение оставлять захваченных на войне женщин в качестве рабов (там же, т. xxiii, с. 118); то же делали и другие соседние племена. Путешественники в Орегоне в 1846 году обнаружили, что орегонские индейцы обращают в рабство своих военных пленников и ведут войны с целью захвата рабов (там же, т. xxix, с. 124). Тунглетаты, населявшие Ванкувер, в то же время имели индейских рабов — пленников, захваченных на войне (там же, т. xxix, с. 149). Племена области к югу от региона реки Колумбия были преданы тому же обычаю. Как здесь, так и в регионе реки Колумбия индейцы были заядлыми игроками и нередко ставили на кон в азартных играх собственную свободу (там же, т. xxx, с. 161; т. xxvii, с. 171; Паркер, «Путешествие за Скалистые горы», с. 53). Индейцы крайнего северо-запада держали рабов еще в 1840 году. Значительное их количество принадлежало вождям. Они стоили по тридцать одеял каждый и обычно приобретались у уроженцев острова Куин-Шарлотт, крупного невольничьего рынка северо-западного побережья (Банкрофт, «История Северо-Западного побережья», т. ii, с. 647–649).

С рабоями региона реки Колумбия обращались хорошо до тех пор, пока они были способны работать. Этот район был торговым, и рабы как предмет торговли представляли ценность. Но когда раб старел и не мог работать, им пренебрегали. Женщины племени имели нескольких рабов, которые зависели исключительно от их воли. Рабы могли быть куплены мужской частью племени в качестве жен. Индейцы оакинаке в то время имели лишь немного рабов, и те были усыновлены как дети и члены семьи (там же, т. vii, с. 103, 107, 303).

До 1850 года индейцы томпсон из Британской Колумбии обращали захваченных индейцев в рабство (Тейт, «Индейцы томпсон из Британской Колумбии», в сборнике: «Мемуары Американского музея естественной истории», с. 269, 290). В 1836 году индейцы чинук владели индейскими рабами. В 1855 году племя уте принесло в жертву четырех рабов и похоронило их вместе с одним из своих вождей. Один из этих рабов был похоронен заживо (Томас, «Индейцы Северной Америки в исторические времена», с. 369). В 1863 году чероки отменили рабство законом. В 1866 году в него были внесены поправки, разрешающие его в качестве наказания за преступление (Туэйтс, «Ранние западные путешествия», т. xx, с. 303).

[110] Enslavement of the whites by the Indians was not uncommon. Cabeza de Vaca and other survivors of Narvaez’s expedition were made slaves by the Indians among whom they wandered. Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca, in Narratives of Early American History, i, pp. 64, 69. Soto found one of these survivors, Juan Ortiz by name, who had taken on Indian customs, and nearly forgotten his native language. “Relation of Biedma,” in Bourne, Narratives of the Career of De Soto, ii, p. 3.

Стрэчи в «Истории путешествия в Виргинию» упоминает историю, которую он слышал от индейцев, об индейском вожде по имени Эяноко, жившем где-то к югу от Виргинии, у которого было семеро белых рабов, спасшихся от резни в Роаноке. Этих рабов индейцы использовали для ковки меди («Публикации Хаклюйтовского общества», т. vi, с. 26). Правдива ли эта история полностью или частично, так и не было установлено. То, что индейцы этой местности действительно обращали в рабство белых, захваченных в войне или потерпевших кораблекрушение у побережья, следует из преамбулы к акту Каролины 1707 года («Колониальные записи Северной Каролины», т. i, с. 674). В войне 1711 года индейцы пощадили некоторых женщин и детей, захваченных на плантациях, чтобы те могли служить рабами (там же, т. i, с. 182).

Капитан Хендриксен в 1616 году обнаружил трех человек, принадлежавших Голландской Вест-Индской компании, которые были рабами мохоков и минкуэ и были переданы ему в обмен на товары (Хэзард, «Анналы Пенсильвании», с. 7).

Отец Брессани был захвачен в 1644 году ирокезами и отдан женщине в качестве раба. Она отправила его в форт Оранж, где он был выкуплен голландцами и возвращен во Францию («Отношения иезуитов», т. xxvi, с. 49). Другие иезуиты также были порабощены ирокезами (Басквиль де ла Потери, «История Северной Америки», т. iv, с. 125–163). Французские мужчины, женщины и дети постигла та же участь («Отношения иезуитов», т. xl, с. 137; т. xlvi, с. 207). Некоторые из них были выкуплены и освобождены голландцами (Маргри, «Указ. соч.», т. vi, с. 123, 125). Жутель в 1687 году опасался, что будет порабощен сенисами и отправлен на их рудники работать наряду с их индейскими рабами (Маргри, «Указ. соч.», т. iii, с. 339). После смерти Ла Саля и резни большинства его последователей в 1687 году пощаженные дети были захвачены в плен испанскими индейцами и отправлены в Мексику в качестве рабов (Маргри, «Указ. соч.», т. iii, с. 339). Сен-Дени в 1721 году засвидетельствовал, что одиннадцать месяцев провел в рабстве у дикарей западного региона Миссисипи (Робинсон, «Описание открытий на Западе» и др., с. 215). Еще в 1754 году у индейцев Виргинии были французские пленные в качестве рабов («Сборник Исторического общества Виргинии», т. iii, с. 267).

Во времена Войны короля Филипа миссис Роулендсон из Ланкастера была взята в плен индейцами и продана наррагансетскому вождю, чьей рабыней она стала (Кларк, «История короля Филипа», с. 290). Во время различных колониальных войн многие англичане захватывались индейцами в качестве рабов и продавались французам в Канаду («Архивы Массачусетса», т. lxxiv, с. 57).

[111] Prescott, History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic, edition of 1838, i, p. 390; ii, p. 40.

[112] French, op. cit., series 2, p. 263.

[113] For slaves taken by Columbus on his three voyages, see Journal of Columbus’ First Voyage, in Original Narratives of Early American History, i, pp. 112, 306; Thacher, Christopher Columbus, His Life, His Work, His Remains, etc., ii, pp. 301, 357, 393, 585, 644, 685.

[114] Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561, p. 136. According to the patent, the king was to name the individuals who should distribute the slaves. Ibid., p. 136.

[115] Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561, p. 162.

[116] Shea, The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, p. 112; Lowery, op. cit., p. 136.

[117] For this reason he took no monks or priests with him. Lowery, op. cit., p. 136.

[118] The proclamation of Ponce de Leon is quoted in Helps, The Conquerors of the New World and Their Bondsmen, etc., ii, pp. 111–116. This peculiar summons to surrender had been used by the Spanish explorers and conquerors since 1509. After telling the Indians of the creation of the world, it traced the title thereto to St. Peter, and thence to the ruling pope. It cited also the grant of the Indies by the pope to the sovereigns of Castile; and after urging the Indians to acknowledge their fealty to these sovereigns, it threatened them with war and slavery if they refused.

[119] Lowery, op. cit., p. 169.

[120] The Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca, in Original Narratives of Early American History, ii, p. 25.

[121] Ibid., ii, p. 30.

[122] Bourne, op. cit., i, p. 20.

[123] Buckingham Smith, Life of De Soto, p. 170.

[124] Bourne, op. cit., ii, pp. 60, 94, 97, 103, 105.

[125] Bourne, op. cit., i, p. 34.

[126] Ibid., i, p. 45; ii, pp. 25, 121.

[127] Ibid., i, p. 70; ii, pp. 72, 75, 117, 129.

[128] Coronado, in his letter to Mendoza, August 3, 1540, mentions both negroes and Indians in the expedition. He does not allude to their being slaves. In other parts of the letter, he mentions friendly Indians accompanying the expedition. Coronado’s Letter to Mendoza, in the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology; Shea, The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, p. 114.

[129] The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado, by Pedro de Castañeda, in Original Narratives of Early American History, ii, p. 324.

[130] Lowery, op. cit., pp. 156–157; Martin, The History of North Carolina from the Earliest Period, i, p. 2.

[131] The Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca in Original Narratives of Early American History, i, pp. 25–118. Among the Indians of this region, who were carried away into captivity, were Yaqui who long afterwards remained hostile to the whites.

[132] Bancroft, History of the North Mexican States, i, p. 59.

[133] French, op. cit., pt. iv, p. 201; Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, p. 201.

[134] For such instances in Soto’s journey, see Bourne, op. cit. For Coronado’s journey, see Original Narratives of Early American History, ii, pp. 289, 329, 342; Narrative of Jaramillo, in Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.

[135] Bourne, op. cit., ii, p. 11.

[136] Ibid., i, p. 20.

[137] Ibid., ii, p. 55.

[138] The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado, by Castañeda, in Original Narratives of Early American History, ii, pp. 329, 342.

[139] Bourne, op. cit., ii, pp. 21, 117.

[140] Ibid., i, p. 45; ii, pp. 25, 121.

[141] The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado, by Castañeda, in Original Narratives of Early American History, ii, p. 289.

[142] Bourne, op. cit., i, pp. 193–194.

[143] Fairbanks, History of Florida from Its Discovery, etc., p. 58.

[144] Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561, pp. 249 (note), 357, 415, 417.

[145] The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado, by Castañeda, in Original Narratives of Early American History, ii, p. 324.

[146] Bourne, op. cit., i, p. 177; ii, p. 60.

[147] Ibid., i, pp. 102, 139, 171, 191; ii, pp. 80, 121.

[148] Ibid., i, pp. 44, 84, 93; ii, pp. 94, 97, 103, 105, 106, 110, 112, 113, 115, 116, 117.

[149] See Lucas and Stevens, The New Laws of the Indies.

[150] Houck, History of Missouri, ii, p. 240; Wheeler, A Practical Treatise of the Law of Slavery, pp. 12–14. O’Reilly’s instructions to the various commandants at Natchitoches, the coast and elsewhere, are given in Gayarré, History of Louisiana, Spanish Domination, pp. 20, 25.

[151] Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530–1888, p. 132.

[152] Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, Florida, 1562–1574, pp. 145–160.

[153] Hodge, op. cit., pt. i, p. 874.

[154] Hodge, op. cit., pt. i, p. 893.

[155] Ibid., pt. i, pp. 894–895.

[156] Ibid., pt. i, p. 895; Bancroft, History of California, i, p. 111; Coman, Economic Beginnings of the Far West, i, pp. 100–101, 147–155.

[157] Hodge, op. cit., pt. i, p. 894.

[158] Coman, op. cit., ii, pp. 28–29, 31–32, 144.

[159] Ibid., i, pp. 40–44.

[160] Ibid., i, p. 99.

[161] Barrett, The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians, in University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vi, p. 45.

[162] The edict of Louis XIV in 1688 authorizing the importation of slaves related only to negroes from Africa. Hamilton, Slavery in Canada, in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 102.

[163] Hamilton, op. cit., in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 102; Mémoires et Documents Relatifs à l’Histoire du Canada, p. 5.

[164] Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 316.

[165] Hamilton, op. cit., in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 102.

[166] Hamilton, op. cit., in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 102; New York Colonial Documents, x, p. 1118. General Amherst, the English commander and agent in the negotiations, wrote opposite the proposition: “Granted, except those who shall have been made prisoners.”

Хотя слово «пауни» в записях, по-видимому, относится именно к индейским рабам, старые канадские авторы иногда используют его для обозначения всех лиц в подневольном состоянии независимо от цвета кожи (Гамильтон, «Указ. соч.», в сборнике: «Труды Канадского института», 1890, т. i, с. 107).

[167] In 1557, ten young Brazilian Indians were purchased by Villegaignon, and sent to France as a gift to King Henry II. The king distributed them among the nobles of his court. Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, i, p. 174.

[168] See Transactions of the Canadian Institute, ii, p. 173.

[169] Parkman, The Discovery of the Great West, sixth edition, p. 27.

[170] Thwaites, Father Marquette, p. 34.

[171] It should be noted that the missions never attained the same prominence among the French, within the limits of the present United States, as among the Spaniards. “The neophyte was too much a child, too much a slave, too little a man” to please the Frenchman.

[172] Margry, op. cit., v, p. 162. La Salle, on his expedition, employed Indian hunters who were not slaves. Joutel’s Journal of La Salle’s Last Voyage, pp. 20, 76, 82, 94, 95, 97, 98; Parkman, The Discovery of the Great West, sixth edition, pp. 144, 356.

[173] Jesuit Relations, xxx, p. 133.

[174] Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13 ... Correspondance Générale, ii, 1707–1712.

[175] Lowry and McCardle, A History of Mississippi from the Discovery, etc., second edition, p. 84.

[176] Thwaites, Early Western Travels, xiii, p. 179.

[177] Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., p. 321.

[178] Garneau, Histoire du Canada, etc., fourth edition, ii, p. 95. “The number of the Natchez that escaped the grasp of Périer, at this time, has been put down by some writers as three hundred warriors.” French, Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, series 5, p. 102.

[179] Hodge, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 36; Monette, History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the Mississippi, etc., i, p. 272, states the number as four hundred and twenty-seven. Lowry and McCardle, op. cit., p. 85, place the number as forty-five male Indians, and four hundred and fifty women and children.

[180] Pittman, The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mississippi, Hodder edition, p. 80.

[181] On the passage, some of the Indians, for “showing their resentment by upbraiding the authors of their misery,” were thrown into the sea. Ibid., p. 80.

[182] Marbois, op. cit., p. 119, and appendix, No. 4.

[183] Ferland, Cours d’Histoire du Canada, seconde partie, p. 446.

[184] Landun, Journal d’un Voyage à la Louisiane fait en 1720, p. 247; Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 316; La Harpe’s Journal in French, op. cit., p. 351.

[185] Martin, The History of Louisiana from the Earliest Period, i, p. 256.

[186] Ibid., i, p. 256.

[187] Dubroca, L’Itinéraire des Français dans la Louisiane, p. 81.

[188] Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., p. 319; Cramoisy, Journal de la Guerre du Micissippi contre les Chicachas, p. 65.

[189] Cramoisy, op. cit., p. 65.

[190] Gayarré, Louisiana, its History as a French Colony, p. 64.

[191] Cramoisy, op. cit., pp. 49, 65, 67, 68, 89; Margry, op. cit., v, p. 432.

[192] Margry, op. cit., iii, p. 564.

[193] French, op. cit., pt. i, p. 42.

[194] Margry, op. cit., v, p. 476; French, op. cit., new series, i. p. 100. Hennepin, A New Discovery, etc., p. 631, mentions the French of Kaskaskia using both Indian and negro slaves.

[195] Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections, xxxiii, p. 286.

[196] Ibid., pp. 324, 397.

[197] Ibid., pp. 328, 439, 544.

[198] Ibid., p. 550.

[199] Ibid., pp. 365, 396.

[200] Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, pp. 434, 436.

[201] Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages dans l’Amérique Septentrionale, p. 100.

[202] Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 343.

[203] Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, i, p. 255. Verrazano says of the Indians of this region: “They are suspicious, hostile and desirous of obtaining steel implements for defense against kidnappers, who frequent the coast to seize and transport them to the Spanish Islands of the West Indies.”

[204] Hakluyt, Voyages, iii, pp. 209, 213; Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, ii, p. 350; Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, i, pp. 327, 330; Douglas, Old France in the New World, pp. 22, 23, 27, 28, 30; Robinson, An Account of Discoveries, etc., p. 359. Early English and French Voyages, chiefly from Hakluyt, 1534–1608, in Original Narratives of Early American History, p. 81.

[205] Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, ii, p. 364; Douglas, op. cit., pp. 39, 40, 42.

[206] Lescarbot, op. cit., ii, pp. 363–367; Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, i, p. 336; Douglas, op. cit., p. 37; Robinson, op cit., p. 369. Early English and French Voyages, chiefly from Hakluyt, 1534–1608, in Original Narratives of Early American History, p. 81. The promise of Cartier that the prisoners should be well treated was evidently kept. In the archives of St. Malo for the year 1538, is noted the baptism of three savages brought there by Cartier. Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, iv, p. 57. These Indians were questioned by Francis I, (Thevet, Cosmographie Universelle, Tome II, p. 1013), and thus served the purpose for which they had been brought. They never returned to America, for all of them, except one little girl, died in Brittany before Cartier’s third voyage in 1540. Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, i, p. 342; Robinson, op. cit., p. 406.

[207] Hakluyt, op. cit., iii, pp. 303–319; Lescarbot, op. cit., i, p. 44; Narrative of Jean Ribaut’s Whole and True Discovery of Terra Florida, reprinted in Courtnay, The Genesis of South Carolina, p. xxiv.

[208] Hakluyt, op. cit., iii, p. 320, says, “by permission of the king”; Robinson, op. cit., p. 431.

[209] French, op. cit., p. 74; Margry, op. cit., vi, pp. 282, 370, 371. An instance of kidnapping Indians in Canada by military officials is worthy of mention. In 1687, a number of Iroquois chiefs went to a French camp near Montreal, on the invitation of the French officials, to confer with the governor of Canada. The intendant, Champigny, had these chiefs seized and by the king’s orders sent to France to serve in the galleys. Brodhead, History of New York, first edition, ii, p. 476.

[210] Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 314.

[211] Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 29.

[212] Ibid., vi, p. 315.

[213] Ibid., vi, p. 406.

[214] Ibid., vi, p. 410.

[215] Ibid., vi, p. 593.

[216] Farmer, The History of Detroit and Michigan, p. 344.

[217] Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 601.

[218] Ibid., iv, p. 230; Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, ix, 1720–1722, p. 111; Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13, vi, p. 50.

[219] Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13, 1707–1712, p. 398.

[220] French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 36.

[221] Ibid., pt. iii. p. 36.

[222] Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, etc., p. 346.

[223] Margry, op. cit., iii, p. 564.

[224] French, op. cit., pt. i, p. 42; A Memoir of La Salle to Frontenac, November 9, 1680, states: “The young bisons are easily tamed, and may be of great help, as well as the slaves in which the natives are accustomed to trade.” Historical Magazine, v, p. 197.

[225] Margry, op. cit., v, p. 476; French, op. cit., new series, i, p. 100; Hennepin, A New Discovery, etc., p. 631, mentions the French of Kaskaskia using both negro and Indian slaves.

[226] Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, pp. 434, 436.

[227] Savoile reported from Ft. Biloxi, August 4, 1701, that he possessed some slaves from the territory to the west and one Illinois slave, who was probably a runaway, and then adds that the French “voyageurs” would not miss this one runaway since they had so many. Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, 1678–1701, i, p. 152; Archives Nationales, Colonies, C. 13, Louisiane, Correspondance Générale, 1678–1708, i, p. 315.

[228] Archives Nationales, Colonies, C. 12, second series, Carton I—Louisiane, Correspondance Générale, 1699–1773. (Transcript in Mr. Peter J. Hamilton’s library); Charlevoix, History and General Description of New France, (Shea’s Translation), vi, p. 32.

[229] Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, 1713–1714, iv; Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13, 1710–1712, iii.

[230] Margry, op. cit., v, p. 476; French, op. cit., new series, i, p. 100.

[231] Kingsford, The History of Canada, iii, p. 226.

[232] Ibid.

[233] Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, 1716, vii, p. 23; Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13, iv, p. 248.

[234] Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, etc., p. 347.

[235] Robinson, An Account of Discoveries in the West until 1519, etc., p. 369; Early English and French Voyages, chiefly from Hakluyt, 1534–1608, in Original Narratives of Early American History, p. 50.

[236] Lescarbot, op. cit., ii, p. 352.

[237] Robinson, op. cit., p. 369; Early English and French Voyages, chiefly from Hakluyt, 1534–1608, in Original Narratives of Early American History, p. 55.

[238] Lescarbot, op. cit., i, p. 71; Hakluyt, op. cit., iii, pp. 319–349.

[239] Lescarbot, op. cit., i, p. 74; Hakluyt, op. cit., iii, p. 396.

[240] Sagard-Theodat, Histoire du Canada et Voyages, etc., new edition, iv, p. 829; Le Clercq, The First Establishment of the Faith in New France, Shea’s translation, i, p. 283; Douglas, op. cit., pp. 181, 195; Laverdière, Oeuvres de Champlain, seconde édition, vi, pp. 154–158.

[241] Purchas His Pilgrimes, xviii, p. 225; Bourne, The Voyages and Explorations of Samuel de Champlain, etc., i, p. 229.

[242] Bourne, op. cit., i, pp. 226, 229; Laverdière, op. cit., seconde édition, vi, pp. 154–158; Marshall, Historical Writings Relating to the Early History of the West, p. 22. It will be seen that these Indians were not considered as slaves by Champlain. They were to be educated and trained in religious duties for their own good, for that of the faith and the future good of the French. Yet they illustrate the readiness with which the Indians parted with members of their own tribe, as well as with those whom they held captive.

[243] Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, pp. xxxii, 23; Jesuit Relations, lix, p. 121; French, op. cit., pt. iv, p. xxxii.

[244] Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, p. lv.

[245] French, op. cit., pt. iv, p. li.

[246] Ibid., pt. iv, p. 169; pt. i, pp. 71, 72, 74; Margry, op. cit., ii, p. 98; Joutel, Journal of La Salle’s Last Voyage, p. 118.

[247] French, op. cit., series 2, p. 100.

[248] Ibid., new series, p. 84; Margry, op. cit., v, p. 433.

[249] Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 21.

[250] Ibid., vi, pp. 47, 48.

[251] Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 192.

[252] French, op. cit., p. 74; Margry, op. cit., vi, pp. 282, 370, 37?.

[253] Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 407.

[254] Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, 1716, vi, p. 355.

[255] Le Code Noir, Article IX.

[256] Robinson, op. cit., p. 363.

[257] Lescarbot, op. cit., i, p. 74.

[258] Margry, op. cit., vi. p. 21.

[259] Ibid., vi, p. 458.

[260] Ibid., vi, p. 417.

[261] As in the case of the Spaniards, not all the Indians who accompanied the French exploring parties were slaves. Many of them were hired. Others were sent by their chiefs. Some went voluntarily.

[262] Le Page du Pratz, The History of Louisiana, etc., p. 20.

[263] Correspondance Générale, 1678–1706. Tome 2, p. 328. A memoir in the possession of the Louisiana Historical Society.

[264] The Present State of the Country and Inhabitants, European and Indians of Louisiana on the North Continent of America, p. 12.

[265] Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13. 1707–1712, p. 398.

[266] Pittman, The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mississippi, etc., Hodder edition, p. 102; Hamilton, Colonial Mobile, p. 67; Monette, History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the Mississippi, i, p. 192; Gayarré, History of Louisiana, French Domination, i, p. 242; Thwaites, Early Western Travels, xxvii, p. 55; Jesuit Relations, lxix, p. 145; Martin, History of Louisiana, i. p. 173.

[267] Guénin, La Louisiane, p. 297.

[268] Pittman, op. cit., Hodder edition, p. 102.

[269] Jesuit Relations, lxix, p. 145.

[270] Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 332.

[271] Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, iv, 1713–1714, p. 14; Notes et Documents Historiques de la Louisiane, p. 29.

[272] Bossu, op. cit., p. 114; Margry, op. cit., i, p. 112.

[273] Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, pp. 378, 379, 454.

[274] Margry. op. cit., ii, p. 293. The only instance in which a home government demanded that Indians be sent to Europe to perform actual labor as slaves, exists in the case of the French. On July 31, 1684, Louis XIV ordered de la Barre to send all Iroquois prisoners to France to serve in the galleys, because, said the letters royal, “these savages are strong and robust.” Brodhead, History of New York, first edition, ii, p. 476. De la Barre made an expedition against the Iroquois, but was unsuccessful. In 1687, Denonville, the succeeding governor-general, led another expedition against the Iroquois who had been especially arrogant toward the French since the repulse of de la Barre. Before the expedition had set out from Fort Frontenac, another dispatch from the king had arrived. This repeated his former orders to send the Iroquois prisoners to France to serve in the galleys. Denonville obeyed the command. Brodhead, op. cit., ii, p. 507. The order was repeated March, 1688, declaring “It is certain that those Indians, who are vigorous and accustomed to hardship, can serve usefully on board his Majesty’s galleys,” Brodhead, op. cit., ii, p. 546. Continued difficulties with the Indians led Denonville, among other concessions and attempts at conciliation, to write to France, asking that as many of the Indian galley slaves as survived should be returned to Canada, and suggesting that, to produce as good an effect as possible, they be decently clothed. The request was complied with. Marshall, Historical Writings relating to the early History of the West, p. 159; De Brumath, Bishop Laval, pp. 214, 215, 216. For a description of the French galleys of the time, see Clément, Vie de Colbert, p. 456.

[275] Parkman, A Half-Century of Conflict, ii, p. 17.

[276] Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 402.

[277] Arkansas Historical Society Publications, ii, p. 342.

[278] Hamilton, Slavery in Canada, in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 103.

[279] See Hinsdale, The Old Northwest, etc., revised edition, p. 347; Monette, op. cit., pp. 199–200; Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, 1856, iii, pp. 256 et seq.

[280] Cramoisy, Journal de la Guerre du Micissippi contre les Chicachas, p. 53.

[281] Wisconsin Historical Society Proceedings, xlvi, p. 141.

[282] Bienville ordered one of the Indian prisoners, who had assisted in the murder of St. Cosmé, to be placed on a wooden horse, and his brains to be beaten out with a club. His scalp was then cut off, and his body thrown into the river.

[283] Parkman, The Pioneers of France in the New World, pp. 217, 244.

[284] Lescarbot, op. cit., iii, p. 612; Parkman, The Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 279; Marshall, op. cit., p. 127.

[285] The following records are from a transcript in the library of Tulane University.

4 февраля 1724 г. родился сын индейской рабыни апт [принадлежавшей] — отец неизвестен (с. 26).

2 мая 1724 г. — некогда рабыня из племени пани обвенчана с Франкартом из племени ча — (с. 33).

13 сентября 1728 г. — похоронил на кладбище этого прихода тело дикарки, принадлежавшей — (с. 280).

26 февраля 1729 г. — крестил дикаря, принадлежавшего господину Роке (с. 371).

20 июня 1729 г. — крестил дикаря, принадлежавшего господину Вильвалю (с. 389).

30 января 1730 г. — похоронил на кладбище этого прихода с обычными церковными церемониями тело Жана Батиста, дикаря, двух лет от роду, принадлежавшего господину де Сент-Шез (с. 424).

в удостоверение чего подписался, отец Иасюльтр.

[286] Tanguay, A Travers les Registres, pp. 88, 111, 157 (instances cited).

[287] Jesuit Relations, lxx, p. 232.

[288] Dunn, Indiana, p. 127. Parkman Club Papers, p. 210, gives an account of the marriage of two Indian slaves in 1754. About 1750 half the baptisms and marriages recorded in the church register of Vincennes were “red or Indian slaves,” belonging to the commandant or to the inhabitants. Law, The General History of Vincennes, etc., p. 145.

[289] This register is now kept in the Mobile cathedral under the care of the Bishop of Mobile. It was presented for examination through the kindness of Father Hacket.

[290] Margry, op. cit., iii, p. 66; Godwyn, The Negro and Indian’s Advocate, etc., p. 30. When arrangements for an expedition to New Biscay were being made, a memorial on America, February, 1684, called attention to this state of affairs, and urged the king to enforce it in order to attract to the side of the French the numerous negro, Indian and mulatto slaves of that country. Margry, op. cit., iii, p. 66.

[291] Fortier, A History of Louisiana, i, p. 87.

[292] Archives Nationales, Colonies, C. 13, Louisiane, Correspondance Générale, 1673–1706, i, p. 168.

[293] French, Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, new series, i, p. 99; Pickett, History of Alabama, etc., p. 179.

[294] Martin, The History of Louisiana from the Earliest Period, i, p. 173.

[295] Quoted in Fortier, A History of Louisiana, i, p. 101.

[296] Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 231; Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, ix, p. 12; Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13, vi, p. 51.

[297] The Present State of the Country and Inhabitants, European and Indians of Louisiana on the North Continent of America, etc., p. 26.

[298] Jesuit Relations, lxix, p. 211.

[299] Smith, Slavery in Canada, in Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections, 1896–1898, x, p. 3.

[300] Dunn, Indiana, p. 126.

[301] Jesuit Relations, lxix, p. 145; Hinsdale, The Old Northwest, etc., p. 347.

[302] Burton, Cadillac’s Village, or Detroit under Cadillac, p. 34.

[303] Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 295.

[304] Ibid., xvi, p. 340.

[305] Beauharnois et Hocquart au Ministre. Quoted in Salone, La Colonisation de la Nouvelle-France, deuxième édition, p. 353.

[306] Mémoires et Documents Relatifs à l’Histoire du Canada, published by the Montreal Historical Society, pp. 8–9. Records following that time show Pawnee slaves still in existence down to 1827, Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, vii, pp. 158, 177, 179; xi, p. 393; xii, p. 94; Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections, 1896–1898, x, p. 3. In the Niagara Herald several advertisements are found relating to Indian slaves. One of August 25, 1802, forbids all persons harboring a runaway Indian slave. So in the Gazette and Oracle, early in the nineteenth century, advertisements refer to Indian slaves or “Pawnees.”

[307] Rambaut, A Sketch of the Constitutional History of Canada, p. 28.

[308] Smith, Slavery in Canada, in Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections, 1896–1898, x, p. 3.

[309] Grignon, Recollections, in Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, 1856, iii, pp. 256–258, mentions several such instances.

[310] Report Concerning Canadian Archives, 1904, pt. ii, p. 211.

[311] Mémoires et Documents Relatifs à l’Histoire du Canada, pp. 5–6.

Интересный пример такого освобождения от рабства зафиксирован в Луизиане в 1770 году. 30 апреля того года синьор Пьер Клермон явился перед нотариусом Кабильдо и заявил, что у него долгое время находился на службе индеец Луизон из племени «сиу». Последний служил ему с такой привязанностью и усердием, что он пожелал вознаградить его и счел, что лучшим способом сделать это будет дарование ему свободы. Однако, поскольку он испытывал в этом индейце непреложную необходимость еще в течение трех лет и опасался, как бы смерть не помешала ему освободить его, он заявил о своем желании, чтобы через три года Луизон был отпущен на свободу и пользовался всеми правами свободы. Луизон, в свою очередь, заявил, что благодарит синьора Клермона и обещает верой и правдой служить ему три года. Он также согласился лишиться всех прав, предоставленных ему хозяином, если окажется неблагодарным по отношению к нему (Фортье, «Старые бумаги колониальных времен», в сборнике: «Публикации Исторического общества Луизианы», т. i, ч. ii, 1895, с. 17).

[312] Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, 1716, vi, p. 355.

[313] Ibid., 1721–1722, x, p. 217; Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13, vi, p. 368.

[314] Hewat, An Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, ii, p. 227.

[315] Wilson, A New History of the Conquest of Mexico, p. 34.

[316] Dunn, Indiana, p. 126.

[317] Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, etc., p. 348.

[318] Salone, La Colonisation de la Nouvelle-France, deuxième édition, p. 353.

[319] In 1793, slavery was abolished in Upper Canada by act of the Provincial Parliament. In Lower Canada, it had practically ceased by 1800, the few remaining slaves being freed by an imperial act in 1834. Jesuit Relations, lxix, p. 301. The last public sale of a slave in Canada took place in Montreal in 1797. It has been held, however, that it was the proceeding of the Canadian courts, consistent with the rising public sentiment in England and France against slavery, rather than the actual state of the law, which reached the slave owners’ claims, and finally broke them. Hamilton, Slavery in Canada, in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 102.

[320] Archives Nationales, Colonies, C. 13, Louisiane, Correspondance Générale, i, 1678–1706, p. 514; Gayarré, History of Louisiana, i, p. 100.

[321] Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, viii, 1717–1720, pp. 73–74.

[322] Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale, xvii, pp. 303–307.

[323] Report Concerning Canadian Archives, 1905, i, p. 117.

[324] John Long’s Journal, 1768–1782, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, ii, p. 116.

[325] Care should be taken to distinguish between the term “Pawnee” as applied to an Indian tribe, and as used by the French to mean any Indian slave, regardless of the tribe to which he originally belonged.

[326] Parkman, The Old Régime in Canada, p. 338.

[327] Ibid., p. 388.

[328] Hamilton, Slavery in Canada, in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 102.

[329] Fortier, A History of Louisiana, i, p. 85; Burke, An Account of the European Settlements in America, i, p. 45.

[330] France also had in mind the getting rid of an undesirable class.

[331] Martin, The History of Louisiana, i, p. 266.

[332] French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 42. Hamilton, Slavery in Canada, in Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1890, i, p. 102.

[333] French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 42.

[334] Rowland, Encyclopedia of Mississippi History, ii, p. 673.

[335] Wallace, History of Louisiana and Illinois, p. 239.

[336] Rowland, op. cit., ii, p. 673.

[337] French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 21.

[338] Stoddard, History of Louisiana, p. 36.

[339] Martin, History of Louisiana, i, p. 266. For an instance of one hundred and seventy-five negroes brought in one vessel to Louisiana in 1721, see Margry, op. cit., v, p. 583.

[340] See Fortier, op. cit., i, pp. 87–94.

[341] Jesuit Relations, lxvii, p. 281.

[342] Albach, Annals of the West, p. 88; Illinois Historical Society Publications, xi, 1906, p. 49.

[343] Breese, Early History of Illinois, p. 194.

[344] Illinois Historical Society Publications, xi, 1906, p. 49.

[345] Doyle, English Colonies in America, The Puritan Colonies, ii, p. 506.

[346] I. e., until after the Pequot and King Philip Wars.

[347] Freeman, The History of Cape Cod, p. 72.

[348] Connecticut Colonial Records, 1715, p. 516.

[349] Coffin, A Sketch of the History of Newbury, etc., p. 337; Essex Institute Historical Collections, vii, p. 73; Connecticut Colonial Records, 1711, p. 233.

[350] Hawks, History of North Carolina, etc., second edition, ii, p. 577.

[351] Bancroft Papers Relating to Carolina, in New York City Public Library, MSS. vol. i, 1662–1769; Rivers, A Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the Close of the Proprietary Government, etc., p. 232; South Carolina Historical Society Collections, ii, p. 217; Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., p. 95; Schaper, Sectionalism in South Carolina, p. 263.

[352] Logan, A History of the Upper Country of South Carolina, i, p. 189.

[353] Rivers, A Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the Close of Proprietary Government, etc., p. 231.

[354] Public Records of South Carolina, 1711–1716, vi, p. 276; British Public Record Office, Am. N. I., vol. 620.

[355] Hewat, An Historical Account of the Rise of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, i, p. 309.

[356] Glenn, A Description of South Carolina, etc., p. 81; Charleston Year Book, 1883, p. 407. (A quotation from a pamphlet entitled, “The Importance of the British Plantations in America to this Kingdom,” London, 1731).

[357] Dalcho, An Historical Account of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina, p. 287; Humphreys, An Historical Account of the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, etc., edition of 1730, pp. 103–105.

В результате смешения негров и индейцев, которое произошло, когда прибрежные племена сократились численно, а немногие оставшиеся переселились вглубь страны, общались и вступали в браки с неграми, пока окончательно не утратили свою идентичность и не стали причисляться к этой расе, значительная доля крови южных негров несомненно является индейской (Девятнадцатый ежегодный отчет Бюро американской этнологии, 1897–1898, с. 233). Именно к этим метисам, а также к чистокровным индейцам относились статуты, используя термины «индейские рабы» и «мусти» (или «мести») рабы. В колониальных газетах изредка упоминаются рабы смешанного красно-черного происхождения («American Weekly Mercury», 24 октября 1734 г.). Выдвигалось даже мнение, что в некоторых колониях никогда не было чистокровных индейских рабов. Г-н У. Б. Мелиус из Олбани, штат Нью-Йорк, утверждает: «Я не верю, что чистокровный индеец продавался как раб (в Нью-Йорке); я считаю, что индеец, бывший рабом, не был свободен от примеси крови» (Бюллетень Библиотеки штата Нью-Йорк, История, № 4, май 1900 г.). Один пример смешения индейцев и негров в Нью-Йорке обнаруживается в жалобе, поданной в 1717 году, на то, что негры-рабы бежали и укрывались у минисинков, с женщинами которых они вступали в браки (там же, № 4, май 1900 г.).

[358] Colonial Records of the State of Georgia, vi, p. 259, mentions an Indian slave in 1749.

[359] Howe, Historical Collections of Virginia, etc., p. 134.

[360] Winthrop, Journal History of New England, i, p. 225, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

[361] See Chapter V.

[362] “It seems probable that there were no Indian slaves in Plymouth before the division of land in 1623.” Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 4, iii, p. 114.

[363] Boston News Letter and other newspapers.

[364] Ellis, The History of Roxbury Town, p. 136.

[365] Felt, The History of Ipswich, pp. 306, 320; Boston Weekly Mercury, October 2, 1735.

[366] Wilson, Where American Independence Began, p. 154.

[367] Corey, The History of Malden, p. 416.

[368] Ibid.

[369] Chase, The History of Haverhill, pp. 239, 248.

[370] Earle, Customs and Fashions in Old New England, p. 84.

[371] Doyle, English Colonies in America, The Puritan Colonies, ii, p. 68. In 1708, Governor Dudley made a report on slaves and the slave trade to the Board of Trade, in which he stated that there were 400 negro slaves in Massachusetts. No mention was made of Indians. Historical Magazine, x, p. 52.

[372] American Antiquarian Society Proceedings, 1885–1887, new series, iv, p. 216.

[373] American Statistical Association Collections, i, pp. 208–214; Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 1, iv, p. 199.

[374] Livermore, A History of Block Island, etc., p. 60.

[375] New England Courant, June 17, 1723—A Spanish Indian runaway from Newport; Boston Gazette, October 28, 1728—An Indian runaway slave from Warwick, Rhode Island.

[376] Channing, The Narragansett Planters, p. 10, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, iv.

[377] Ibid., p. 10.

[378] Colonial Records of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, viii, p. 359.

[379] Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, p. 342, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

[380] See pp. 130–131, 150.

[381] Caulkins, History of New London, pp. 330, 335, mentions Indian slaves in 1711 and 1735; An Indian woman slave lived in Westbury until her death in 1774. Steiner, History of Slavery in Connecticut, p. 21, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xi.

[382] Steiner, op. cit., p. 12, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xi.

[383] Sanborn, New Hampshire, an Epitome of Popular Government, p. 137.

[384] Sanborn, op. cit., p. 151, states that in 1720, hardly an Indian remained in New Hampshire, except, perhaps, an enslaved captive.

[385] The Boston Postboy, May 2, 1743, advertises a runaway Indian slave from Portsmouth, New Hampshire. The same paper, July 25, 1743, advertises another runaway Indian slave from New Castle, in the same colony.

[386] “In theory, at least, the Hollander considered the Indian a man like himself, with analogous rights to life, liberty and possessions.” Consequently, “Indians were not enslaved in New Netherland.” Van Rensselaer, History of the City of New York in the Seventeenth Century, i, p. 63. These statements are rather difficult to prove. Holding Indians as slaves who had been enslaved elsewhere and then brought into the colony, and making slaves in the colony and then sending them out of it, were practices that unquestionably existed, even if on a small scale. The declaration of the governor and council of New York in 1680 that “all Indians here have always been, and are, free, and not slave, except such as have been formerly brought from the Bay and Foreign Ports,” (Brodhead, History of the State of New York, first edition, ii, p. 331), shows the presence of some Indian slaves in the Dutch colony.

Записи Новых Нидерландов содержат свидетельства об освобождении от рабства в этой колонии рабов, именовавшихся испанцами и ночивших испанские имена. Являлись ли эти лица испанскими индейцами или неграми с испанских островов, в записях не уточняется. Один такой человек получил свободу в 1645 году путем уплаты 300 каролинских гульденов (О’Каллаган, «Каталог исторических рукописей в канцелярии государственного секретаря, Олбани, штат Нью-Йорк», ч. i, с. 45). Другой получил свободу в 1646 году в награду за долгую и верную службу (О’Каллаган, «Указ. соч.», ч. i, с. 105). Еще два человека, рабы на службе Компании, были освобождены в 1664 году (О’Каллаган, «Указ. соч.», ч. i, с. 264). Другие, принадлежавшие, предположительно, частным владельцам, получили свободу в том же году (О’Каллаган, «Указ. соч.», ч. i, с. 269).

Два случая порабощения индейцев в Новых Нидерландах заслуживают внимания, даже если упомянутые лица впоследствии были вывезены из колонии. Первый случай произошел в 1644 году в связи с индейскими волнениями того времени. По окончании трудностей часть индейских пленников была отправлена губернатором Кифтом на Бермудские острова «в подарок английскому губернатору». Другие были отданы «самым старым и опытным солдатам», которым в то время было разрешено отправиться в Голландию (Бродхед, «История штата Нью-Йорк», пересмотренное издание, т. i, с. 396; «Колониальные документы Нью-Йорка», т. i, с. 215; Ван Ренселер, «Указ. соч.», т. i, с. 235). Второй случай был связан с эзопусскими индейцами. 25 мая 1660 года на совете было принято решение выслать на Кюрасао всех, кроме двух или трех недавно захваченных эзопусских индейцев, «чтобы использовать их там или на Бонайре вместе с неграми на службе Компании» (Бродхед, «Указ. соч.», пересмотренное издание, т. i, с. 676; О’Каллаган, «Каталог исторических рукописей в канцелярии государственного секретаря в Олбани», ч. i, с. 295). 29 июня Стёйвесант издал приказ и организовал их переправу (О’Каллаган, «Указ. соч.», ч. i, с. 214). О’Каллаган в «Истории Новых Нидерландов» и др. (т. ii, с. 420) указывает число вывезенных как одиннадцать. Схунмейкер («История Кингстона», с. 16) называет цифру двадцать. Те, кто был оставлен в колонии в том случае, не были обращены в рабство, но подлежали наказанию, «какое будет сочтено целесообразным или какого потребует необходимость» (Схунмейкер, «Указ. соч.», с. 16). Отношения с ирокезами предотвращали какие-либо серьезные индейские войны в колонии, и из-за этих отношений поступок Стёйвесанта сочли крайне неблагоразумным. Свой шаг, который, возможно, был смоделирован по примеру действий англичан после Пекотской войны, он пытался оправдать заявлением, что «их освобождение имело бы тенденцию породить неприязнь к нашей нации. Наши соседи-варвары стали бы гордиться, словно они внушили нам ужас» (Схунмейкер, «Указ. соч.», с. 16). В 1661 году эти индейцы были отозваны из рабства (О’Каллаган, «Каталог исторических рукописей» и др., ч. i, с. 295).

[387] Van Rensselaer, History of the City of New York in the Seventeenth Century, i, p. 193.

[388] Brodhead, History of the State of New York, revised edition, i, p. 193.

[389] Records of the Towns of North and South Hempstead, Long Island, ii, p. 60.

[390] Northrup, Slavery in New York, in New York State Library Bulletin, History. No. 4, May, 1900, p. 305.

[391] Ibid. Note that April 27, 1699, Bellomont reported to the Lords of Trade: “They have no other servants in this country but negroes.”

[392] O’Callaghan, Calendar of Historical Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of State, Albany, New York, pt. ii, p. 314.

[393] New York Historical Society Collections, 1892, i, p. 413.

[394] New York Colonial Documents, v, p. 433.

[395] Scharf, History of Westchester County, etc., ii, p. 667.

[396] Ecclesiastical Records of the State of New York, iv, p. 2357; Dix, History of the Parish of Trinity Church in the City of New York, i, p. 203.

[397] New York Colonial Documents, vi, p. 546.

[398] O’Callaghan, Documentary History of New York, ii, p. 984; Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections, xxx, p. 596.

[399] New York Gazette, July 23, 1733 (a runaway Indian slave from Flushing); March 3, 1734 (a runaway Indian slave from Westchester); February 13, 1739 (a runaway slave from New York City). New York Weekly Mercury, October 27, November 3, and November 10, 1740 (a runaway Indian slave from New York); August 16, 1756 (a runaway Indian slave from Long Island); May 30 and June 13, 1757 (a runaway Indian slave from “the mines near Second River”); June 12, June 19, June 26, July 3, 1758 (a runaway Indian slave from Newcastle, Westchester County).

[400] The Delaware Indians had been conquered by the Iroquois, and so humbled that they were glad to accept the friendship of the Quakers and live in peace. Parkman, The Conspiracy of Pontiac, etc., sixth edition, i, p. 82.

[401] The Pennsylvania Gazette, April 20, 1737, October 5, 1738, March 16, 1731. The American Daily Mercury, March 24, 1720; May 24, 1726; August 28, 1729; July 30, 1730; August 16, 1733; July 8, 1771, The Pennsylvania Journal, June 18, 1726.