«Индийское рабство в колониальные времена в современных границах Соединенных Штатов»

[402] Scharf, History of Delaware, i, p. 180; Smith, History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania, p. 219.

[403] Martin, Chester and its Vicinity, p. 189.

[404] Smith, History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania, p. 335; Martin, Chester and its Vicinity, p. 189; Futhey and Cope, History of Chester County, Pennsylvania, etc., p. 424. The registration was made in accordance with the terms of the act of 1780, which provided for the registration of all negro and mulatto slaves and servants for life.

[405] Report of the Friends’ Yearly Meeting of Pennsylvania and the Jersies, from the 19th to the 24th of the 7th month, 1719, p. 211.

[406] Lee, New Jersey as a Colony and as a State, i, p. 199.

[407] Cornelius Van Vorst had a slave known as “Half Indian Jack,” who died at Harsimus, February 2, 1831, at the age of 102 years. Winfield, History of the County of Hudson, New Jersey, p. 434.

В газете «The New York Gazette» от 24 июня, 8 июля, 15 июля, 29 июля, 12 августа и 26 августа дается объявление о беглом индейском рабе и втором рабе — наполовину индейце, наполовину негре из округа Монмут, штат Нью-Джерси. В газете «The American Weekly Mercury» от 24 октября, 31 октября и 7 ноября 1734 г. дается объявление о беглом рабе — наполовину индейце, наполовину негре из Перт-Амбоя, штат Нью-Джерси.

[408] The Yoamaco Indians of that section had been so preyed upon by the “Susquahannocks” that they had abandoned their country. Oldmixon, The British Empire in America, etc., i, p. 189.

[409] Lawson, A New Voyage to Carolina, etc., p. 194, states that the Indians of the Carolina country refused to sell their children, though they would sell anything else they possessed for wampum. For precedents when the English sold white captives in war, see Trowbridge, A History of Ancient Maritime Interests in New Haven, p. 47; Lecky, A History of England in the Eighteenth Century, ii, p. 189.

[410] Quoted in Bannister, British Colonization and Colored Tribes, pp. 49–54.

[411] William and Mary College Quarterly, vi, p. 214.

[412] The Narrative of Bacon’s Rebellion, in Winder Papers, Virginia State Library, reprinted in Virginia Magazine of History, iv, 1896–1897, p. 140, tells of forty-five Indian captives taken. “The plunder and captives estimated noe lesse than 6 or 700, the goodes being three horse loades.”

[413] Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, x, p. 165. Later all but five were restored to the queen by Ingram, one of Bacon’s officers.

[414] Rivers, A Sketch of the History of South Carolina, etc., p. 106.

[415] Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 78; Grahame, The History of the United States, etc., ii, p. 113.

[416] Rivers, op. cit., p. 200.

[417] Religious hatred and race hatred, as well as the desire for personal gain, dictated Moore’s action. Note that the constant enmity of the Spanish and English Indians, and their raids upon each other, gave him excellent opportunity to accomplish his purpose.

[418] Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 157.

[419] Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 233.

[420] Public Records of South Carolina, v, 1700–1710, p. 196; British Public Record Office, vol. 620.

[421] Fairbanks, History of Florida from its Discovery, etc., p. 179.

[422] Fairbanks, op. cit., p. 189; Fairbanks, The History and Antiquities of the City of St. Augustine, etc., p. 139.

[423] Hodge, op. cit., pt. i, p. 875; pt. ii, p. 600.

[424] Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.

[425] A few Indians were captured before this, and a few more were imported, like other slaves. Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, p. 72, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xiv.

[426] North Carolina Colonial Records, i, p. 815.

[427] McCrady, The History of South Carolina under Proprietary Government, p. 499.

[428] North Carolina Colonial Records, i, p. 826.

[429] Ibid., i, p. 875.

[430] Ibid., ii, p. iv.

[431] Ibid., i, p. 826.

[432] Ibid., ii, p. 30; McCrady, op. cit., p. 526; South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, ix, 1908, pp. 33, 39, 41.

[433] McCrady, op. cit., p. 566; Rivers, A Sketch of the History of South Carolina, etc., p. 254; South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, viii, 1908, pp. 28–54.

[434] Bassett, op. cit., p. 73, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xiv.

[435] These Indians had never forgotten the seizure of twenty-seven of their number by Thomas Hunt who had been in Smith’s expedition of 1614, and were, in consequence, always antagonistic to the whites. As the result of their depredations, the Connecticut general court, May 1, 1637, declared an offensive war against them. See copy of the court record in Orr, History of the Pequot War, etc., p. ix. Mason records that one cause of not pursuing the Indians farther was the Sabbath coming on. Mason, A Brief Narrative of the Pequot War, in Orr, op. cit., p. 34.

[436] Ibid., p. 39.

[437] Winthrop, Journal History of New England, i, p. 225, in Original Narratives of Early American History; Hubbard, A Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England, p. 42. They were carried into the harbor and drowned. Mather, Magnalia,, edition of 1820, ii, p. 483.

Утверждалось, что Массачусетс не предпринимал усилий удержать пленных пекотских мужчин в качестве рабов из-за предостережения, содержащегося в Книге Левит (xxiv, 44), о том, что язычников той земли, в которой жил израильский народ, порабощать не следует, а можно лишь тех, «которые вокруг вас», — аммонитян, моавитян, идумеян и сирийцев, чье полное истребление не было прямо предписано («Historical Magazine», т. x, с. 49).

[438] Winthrop, Journal, i, p. 225, in Original Narratives of Early American History; Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, p. 342, in Original Narratives of Early American History. Winthrop states the number of captives as eighty. This is evidently an error, for the sum of those whom he mentions as disposed of is eighty-three. Mason, op. cit., in Orr, op. cit., p. 39, gives the number of captives as one hundred and eighty.

Раздел индейских пленников среди союзников должен был способствовать их сближению с англичанами. Именно по этой причине, а также потому, что индейцы, порабощенные при первом разделе пленников, упорно бежали, не все индейцы второго раздела были обращены в рабство. Индейцы, распределенные среди дружественных индейцев, не становились их рабами. Что касается наррагансеттов, то Роджер Уильямс сообщал губернатору Уинтропу в июне 1637 года, что они не желают использовать пекотов в качестве рабов, а предпочитают относиться к ним по-доброму и выделить им дома и земли («Сборник Исторического общества Массачусетса», серия 4, т. vi, с. 195).

[439] Winthrop, Journal, i, p. 225, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

[440] Steiner, History of Slavery in Connecticut, p. 9, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xi.

[441] Morton, op. cit., 104; Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 4, iii, p. 360. In the Swamp Fight the Indians were attacked by the combined forces of Massachusetts and Connecticut. Hence the division of the captives between the two colonies.

[442] Winthrop, Journal, i, p. 260, in Original Narratives of Early American History; Bradford, op. cit., p. 342, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

[443] Winthrop, Journal, i, p. 225, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

[444] Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, i, 1574–1660, p. 278.

[445] Ibid., i, p. 296.

[446] Freeman, Civilisation and Barbarism, p. 64, declares that the enslaving of Indians had become a mania with speculators.

[447] Williamson, The History of the State of Maine, etc., i, p. 531; Drake, The Book of the Indians, ninth edition, bk. iii, p. 40.

[448] Drake’s Note in Hubbard, A Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England, etc., ii, p. 94.

[449] Bodge, Soldiers in King Philip’s War, p. 209.

[450] Plymouth Colony Records, v, p. 173.

[451] Ibid., v, p. 174.

[452] Felt, The Ecclesiastical History of New England, ii, p. 576.

[453] Baylies, Historical Memoir of New Plymouth, ii, pt. iii, pp. 47–48; Church, The History of King Philip’s War, Dexter edition, p. 147.

[454] Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iii, p. 75.

[455] Hough, A Narrative of the Causes which led to Philip’s Indian War of 1675–1676, pp. 188–189.

[456] Plymouth Colony Records, v, p. 173; ix, p. 401.

[457] Hough, op. cit., p. 25; Felt, Annals of Salem, second edition, i, p. 507.

[458] New England Historical and Genealogical Register, viii, pp. 270–272.

[459] Hutchinson, The History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, etc., i, p. 306.

[460] Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, p. 287.

[461] Drake’s Note in Hubbard, op. cit., ii, p. 94. These Indians did not sell well abroad, for doubtless former experience had proved their race to be unsatisfactory as slaves. In one instance, when no immediate market could be found, a number of them were left in the slave market of Algiers from which, by the efforts of John Eliot, they were enabled to return to America in 1683. Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 1, ii, p. 183. Of this incident Cotton Mather said: “Moreover, ’tis a prophecy in Deut. 28: 68, ‘The Lord shall bring thee into Egypt again with ships, by the way whereof I spake unto thee. Thou shalt see it no more again; and there ye shall be sold unto your enemies for bondmen and bondwomen, and no man shall buy you.’ These did our Eliot imagine were sent to be sold in the coasts lying not very far from the coasts of Egypt, on the Mediterranean Sea, and scarce any chapman would offer to take them off.” Magnalia, bk. iii, pt. 3.

[462] Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iii, p. 190.

[463] For a discussion of the treatment of Philip’s wife and son, see Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 4, viii, p. 689. For the opinions of the two eminent divines to whom the matter of their disposal was referred before colonial action was taken, see Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iii, p. 190.

[464] Plymouth Colony Records, vi, p. 15. The Boston Book of Possessions, p. 145 (quoted in Corey, The History of Malden, p. 48), contains a proclamation issued by Governor Leverett, September 23, 1675, relating to the sale of seven male Indians to two colonists who were to transport and sell them anywhere they wished.

[465] Shurtleff, Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, v, p. 136.

[466] Gookin, History of the Christian Indians, in American Antiquarian Society Proceedings, 1836, ii, p. 449.

[467] Plymouth Colony Records, v, p. 244.

[468] Shurtleff, op. cit., v, p. 136; Plymouth Colony Records, v, pp. 207, 223; vi, p. 15. The Plymouth general court required that the magistrates who disposed of such Indian children according to the order of the court, should sign “indentures for such as are so disposed, to prevent further differences.” Plymouth Colony Records, vi, p. 15.

[469] In 1676, as well as several years before and after, the government of Rhode Island was in the hands of the Quakers. Staples, Annals of Providence, p. 169. No organized effort against the system of slavery in general was made in Rhode Island until that of the Quakers, 1717. Weeden, Early Rhode Island, p. 188.

[470] Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, v, p. 170; Rhode Island Historical Society Publications, new series, i, p. 234. This same town meeting freed certain Indians and gave them the rights of inhabitants, and sentenced others to be shot for crime. Early Records of Providence, viii, p. 12. These Indian captives were carried to the port in a vessel belonging to Providence Williams, son of Roger Williams. Staples, op. cit., p. 172.

[471] Roger Williams was a member of this committee.

[472] Rhode Island Historical Society Publications, i, pp. 236–238; Arnold, History of Rhode Island, i, p. 425. For examples of indentures or bills of sale, and receipts returned to the committee, see Early Records of the Town of Portsmouth, pp. 430–433; vol. 01087 of the Town Records of Providence. See Report of Record Commissioners on Providence Town Records.

[473] Richman, Rhode Island, its Making and its Meaning, ii, p. 192; Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in New England, ii, p. 549.

[474] Orcutt, The History of the old Town of Derby, Connecticut, p. lvii.

[475] Connecticut Colonial Records, ii, p. 308.

[476] William and Mary College Quarterly, viii, p. 165.

[477] Ibid., viii, p. 165.

[478] Hening, The Statutes at Large, etc., ii, pp. 346, 404.

[479] Foote, Sketches of Virginia, Historical and Biographical, first edition, p. 18.

[480] Hening, op. cit., ii, pp. 404, 440; Virginia Magazine of History, ii, p. 173. This law is almost a literal transcript of Bacon’s law.

[481] Ballagh, A History of Slavery in Virginia, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, extra volume xxiv, pp. 35, 50; Hening, op. cit., ii, pp. 346, 404.

[482] Hening, op. cit., iv, p. 10.

[483] Ibid., i, p. 259.

[484] Ibid., i, p. 459.

[485] Indians held in captivity before 1670 were not slaves but servants. See Chapter ix.

[486] Before that time, the Indians had given little or no trouble, and the colony had never passed a militia act.

[487] Every seventh man was to be pressed into service. William Fuller was appointed to command.

[488] Allen, A Calendar of Maryland State Papers, i, p. 54. This appears to have been the only attempt made by Maryland to enslave Indian war captives.

[489] North Carolina Colonial Records, i, p. 900; ii, p. iv.

[490] Ibid., ii, p. 305.

[491] Ibid., ii, pp. iv, 52; Williamson, History of North Carolina, i, p. 289.

[492] North Carolina Colonial Records, ii, p. 45.

[493] Rivers, op. cit., p. 132.

[494] Lands were also given as reward for valor, but they were not acceptable for the people had no laborers to work them. Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 78.

[495] Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 74.

[496] Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Lewis edition, 1898, i, p. 108.

[497] The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, ii, pp. 189, 212.

[498] Ibid., ii, p. 212.

[499] In 1703, Sir Nathaniel Johnson succeeded Moore as governor.

[500] In a letter to the governor of South Carolina, May 1, 1704, Moore states that he has taken all the people of three towns, and the greatest part of four more, and that he has with him thirteen hundred free Apalachee Indians and one hundred slaves. Carroll, op. cit., ii, pp. 574–576.

[501] The Statutes at Large of South Carolina, ii, pp. 322, 325.

[502] Ibid., ii, p. 637.

[503] Martin, The Public Acts of the General Assembly of North Carolina, etc., edition of 1804, p. 135. If such an Indian should be killed, the captor was to secure £10 from the public treasury. This amount was probably less than the regular price of such slaves, for if the amount were equal to the full value, the captor would have been tempted to kill the captive, and thus avoid the trouble of keeping him. Bassett, Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina, p. 73, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xiv.

[504] North Carolina Colonial Records, xiii, pp. 204–205, contains a letter of President Lowndes of South Carolina to Governor Caswell of North Carolina, August 6, 1778, concerning the adjustment of this matter. As late as 1776 Cherokee prisoners of war were sold to the highest bidder in South Carolina, Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 223; Basset, op. cit., p. 73, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, xiv.

[505] Hoadly, Records of the Colony or Jurisdiction of New Haven, from May, 1653, to the Union, etc., p. 177.

[506] Plymouth Colony Records, ix, p. 4.

[507] Ibid., ix, p. 35.

[508] Plymouth Colony Records, v, p. 173.

[509] Ibid., v, p. 174.

[510] Ibid., v, p. 173; ix, p. 401.

[511] Ibid., xi, p. 242.

[512] Shurtleff, op. cit., v, p. 115.

[513] Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iii, p. 75.

[514] Hough, op. cit., pp. 188–189. It is to be noted that none of the Indians transported were allowed to return to the colonies. This same court, on rumors of Indians landing near the coast of Rhode Island, forbade the landing of any Indian on the shores of Rhode Island or Narragansett Bay. Hough, op. cit., p. 189.

[515] See Sylvester, op. cit., ii, p. 457, for expedients adopted by Massachusetts to obtain money to defend the frontiers. Yet the number killed and sold, along with those who escaped, practically destroyed the warring Indians. According to the Massachusetts Records of 1676–1677 a day was set apart for public thanksgiving, because, among other things of moment, “there now scarce remains a name or family of them (the Indians) but are either slain, captivated or fled.”

[516] Both Plymouth and Massachusetts, by encouraging, as a part of the war policy, the capture of Indians alive, through legalizing such capture or granting a specified reward for each captive, unintentionally increased the number of Indian captives that could be sold. In a declaration issued by the New England commissioners at the beginning of the war, it was declared “lawful for any person, whether English or Indian, that shall find any Indians traveling or skulking in any of the towns or roads (within specified limits), to command them under their guard and examination, or to kill them as they may or can.” To this direction was added: “The council hereby declaring, that it will be most acceptable to them that none be killed or wounded that are willing to surrender themselves into custody.” Halkett, Historical Notes respecting the Indians of North America, p. 135.

В восточном походе Массачусетс предлагал премию в двадцать шиллингов за каждый индейский скальп и сорок шиллингов за каждого пленника. Отдельные города порой предпринимали аналогичные шаги. Например, жители Мохегана публично предложили премию в 5 фунтов стерлингов за каждого приведенного индейца. В 1694 году Массачусетс постановил, что добровольцы должны получать за каждого индейца, взрослого или ребенка, убитого или приведенного в качестве пленника, 50 фунтов стерлингов, а также всю добычу. Солдаты на жалованье должны были получать сверх жалования 10 фунтов стерлингов. В 1695 году в качестве награды за любую индейскую женщину или молодого человека моложе четырнадцати лет было постановлено выплачивать 25 фунтов стерлингов («Акты и резолюции», т. i, с. 176, 211, 292).

[517] Historical Magazine, x, p. 188.

[518] Douglas, A Summary, Historical and Political, etc., i, p. 557.

[519] Acts and Resolves, viii, p. 45.

[520] Ibid., i, 530.

[521] Church, op. cit., Dexter edition, i, p. 189. For the successful expedition of Church in which he captured 126 Indians, see Sylvester, Indian Wars of New England, ii, p. 326.

[522] This last phrase related to a decree of the Plymouth Council of War, in turn confirmed by the Court, July 23, 1676. Hough, op. cit., pp. 187–189. The bill of sale of one of the Indian women to Adam Right of Duxbury bears the signature of Church. Weeden, Early Rhode Island, a Social History of the People, p. 178.

[523] Gookin, op. cit., in American Antiquarian Society Collections, ii, 1836, p. 449. One of the arguments used by the warring Indians to persuade the Praying Indians to join with them, was that the English proposed to destroy all the Praying Indians, or sell them out of the country as slaves. Ibid., pp. 462, 476. The feeling against the Praying Indians was so strong that a council in Boston, August 30, 1675, disbanded them, and distributed them among five of their own villages. Gookin, op. cit., in American Antiquarian Society Collections, ii, 1836, p. 450. Most of the Indians were sent to Deer Island. Some of them were transported before harvests were gathered, and the government neglected to provide them with sufficient food, clothes and shelter. Ibid., ii, 1836, p. 433 et seq.

[524] Belknap, The History of New Hampshire, i, p. 245.

[525] Sumner, A History of East Boston, etc., p. 197.

[526] Gookin, op. cit., in American Antiquarian Society Collections, 1836, ii, p. 449.

[527] Some of the Praying Indians fought on the English side. It was reported among the Indians that these Christian Indians never shot at their Indian opponents, but into the tops of trees, and that they sold to Phipp’s agents the ammunition provided them. Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 5, i, p. 106.

[528] It is estimated that there were probably between 30,000 and 40,000 white inhabitants in the United Colonies at the time of King Philip’s War, and that of these, 6,000 to 8,000 were able to bear arms. Mather, A Brief History of the War with the Indians of New England, p. xxix. No estimate of the number of Praying Indians at the time of the war seems available. Palfrey, A Compendious History of New England from the Discovery by Europeans, etc., ii, p. 124, states their number, when at the highest, as 4,000. In 1685, Mr. Hinckley, governor of Plymouth, estimated them at 1,439, not counting children under twelve years of age. Hutchinson, The History of the Colony of Massachusetts, i, p. 349.

[529] Plymouth Colony Records, v, pp. 173–174; xii, p. 242; Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iii, p. 188.

[530] Church, op. cit., Dexter edition, i, p. 182, mentions the sale of an old Indian named “Conscience” to a native of Swanzey. Perhaps an exception was made in the case of this Indian, because of age. Another exception appears to have been made by the Plymouth Court, September 1, 1676, when Sergeant Rogers was allowed to keep his Indian man at his own house, provided he should produce the said Indian on demand of the court. Hough, op. cit., p. 186. Still another exception was made by the Plymouth Court at the same session granting Church the right to “some five or six Indians,” who, if their behavior was satisfactory, might remain in the colony and not be sold to foreign parts unless any of them should be proved to have murdered any of the English. One Indian named “Crossman” was especially mentioned, as he had been accused of murdering Mr. Hezekiah Willet. Plymouth Colony Records, xi, p. 242; Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iii, p. 188.

[531] Pamphlet published in Cambridge in 1677, now in possession of the Boston Athenaeum. The full text is as follows:

«На суде, состоявшемся в Бостоне в Новой Англии 29 марта 1677 года. Совета известили, что некие чужеземные индейцы, враждебно настроенные против нас или жившие среди таковых, доставлены в эту юрисдикцию и куплены несколькими лицами, что причиняет много хлопот и страха жителям мест, где они проживают, и может иметь опасные последствия не только для тех городов, где они живут, но и для всей юрисдикции, если вовремя это не предотвратить:

Поэтому постановляется, что любое лицо в пределах этой юрисдикции, которое отныне купит или будет удерживать свыше десяти дней после обнародования сего любого такого индейца, мужчину или женщину, уже купленных, старше двенадцати лет без разрешения властей, помимо конфискации такого индейца или индейцев уплатит штраф в размере пяти фунтов в пользу казначейства Каира, а констеблям различных городов предписывается незамедлительно опубликовать это Постановление в своих округах».

От имени Совета, Эдвард Роусон, секр.

[532] Plymouth Colony Records, v, p. 253.

[533] Ibid., ix, p. 71.

[534] Sylvester, op. cit., ii, p. 259; Plymouth Colony Records, v, p. 173. This action was opposed by Church, but without result.

[535] Sylvester, op. cit., ii, p. 259; Plymouth Colony Records, v, p. 174. Church, op. cit., Dexter edition, i, p. 46.

[536] Belknap, The History of New Hampshire, i, pp. 143, 245; New Hampshire Provincial Papers, i, p. 357; Williamson, The History of the State of Maine, i, p. 539; Sylvester, op. cit., ii, pp. 339–340; Shurtleff, op. cit., v, p. 115. Hubbard and Mather barely mention this affair. Hubbard, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 28; Mather, Magnalia, bk. 7, ch. 6. Williamson states that the propriety of the event was a “subject which divided the whole community; some applauded, some doubted, some censured, but the government approved.”

[537] Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, p. 287; Baylies, op. cit., ii, pt. iii, p. 190. In at least one instance, provision against their being sold as slaves was made by the Indians in the terms of their surrender. When the squaw-sachem, Awanthonks, deserted the cause of Philip and allied herself with the English, she obtained a promise from the Plymouth government “that the life of every man, woman and child shall be spared, and none shall ever be sold as slaves, or transported from their native soil.” Hough, op. cit., p. 20; Drake, The Book of the Indians, ninth edition, p. 252; Freeman, Civilization and Barbarism, p. 129.

[538] Shurtleff, op. cit., v, p. 136; Plymouth Colony Records, v, pp. 207, 223.

[539] Connecticut Colonial Records, ii, 1665–1677, pp. 297–298. Indians convicted of having murdered any of the English were to be put to death, as in Massachusetts and Plymouth.

[540] Connecticut Colonial Records, ii, 1665–1677, pp. 481–482. At this meeting the council granted liberty to ten Indians who had been captured in a swamp where they had hidden.

[541] Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in New England, i, p. 243; Richman, Rhode Island, its Making and its Meaning, ii, p. 192.

[542] Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, ii, p. 534.

[543] “Because it is said they were left as hostages to the English force of the United Colonies.” Hough, op. cit., p. 186.

[544] Action was taken in accordance with the powers granted in the charter “to exercise the law martial in such cases as occasions shall necessarily require, and upon just cause, to invade and destroy the native Indians and other enemies of the said colony.” Hough, op. cit., p. 173 et seq.

[545] Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, ii, pp. 549–551.

[546] Early Records of the Town of Portsmouth, p. 188. Rhode Island was accustomed to sell both whites and Indians into temporary servitude as punishment for crime. The Indians here mentioned were probably examples of such cases. See Rhode Island Tracts, No. 18, p. 131. The towns appears to have reversed its policy later. See Weeden, Early Rhode Island, etc., p. 178.

Для колониальных правительств было дальновидно выступать против порабощения индейцев, которые были дружественны англичанам или состояли с ними в союзе. Два таких случая зафиксированы в связи с Северной Каролиной. В 1713 году по просьбе губернатора Нью-Йорка индейцы сенека направили индейца к тускарора, чтобы предостеречь тех от войны с англичанами. Индейцы Южной Каролины захватили этого индейца и держали его как раба. Совет решил выкупить его и отправить обратно в его племя («Колониальные записи Северной Каролины», т. ii, с. 1–2). В том же году совет постановил привлечь к суду колониста, продавшего дружественного индейца в рабство (там же, т. ii, с. 55).

Во время межколониальных войн французские индейцы имели обыкновение уводить как белых, так и краснокожих пленников в Канаду, где последние становились рабами. В рамках своей защитной, дипломатической и военной политики англичане стремились вернуть этим индейцам свободу и тем самым сохранить дружбу с Племенами Шести Наций. В 1688 году губернатор Донган потребовал от французских агентов, чтобы определенные нью-йоркские индейцы, отправленные из Канады во Францию, были возвращены английскому консулу в Париже или властям в Лондоне, дабы их можно было привезти на родину и даровать им свободу («Колониальные документы Нью-Йорка», т. iii, с. 526). Французские власти согласились, и индейцы были возвращены (там же, т. iii, с. 621, 732, 733). В 1748 году губернатор Ширли попытался добиться освобождения индейца из Род-Айленда, проданного в рабство в Канаду, а в другом случае отправил четырнадцати французских пленных в Южную Каролину для выкупа определенных членов Шести Наций, содержавшихся там (там же, т. vi, с. 448). На протяжении всего франко-индейского противостояния губернаторы Нью-Йорка настаивали на том, чтобы члены Шести Наций при захвате в плен на войне рассматривались точно так же, как и другие английские подданные, или, иными словами, чтобы их не обращали в рабство.

[547] Hakluyt Society Publications, vii, p. 23; Beazley, John and Sebastian Cabot, p. 118.

[548] Beazley, op. cit., p. 118.

[549] Historians differ regarding the place where these Indians were captured. J. G. Kohl, in A History of the Discovery of the East Coast of North America, reprinted in Maine Historical Society Collections, series 2, i, p. 142, expresses the opinion that Cabot probably obtained them on some shore south of New York harbor. James S. Buckingham, in Canada, Nova Scotia, etc., pp. 168, 337; and Samuel G. Drake, in The History and Antiquities of Boston, i, p. 1, regard Newfoundland as the probable home of the savages.

[550] Best, Frobisher’s First Voyage, in Voyages of the Elizabethan Seamen to America, Payne’s edition, pp. 65, 66.

[551] Ibid., pp. 76–88.

[552] Ibid., p. 136.

[553] Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana, etc., first American edition, (1820), i, p. 52; Prince, A Chronological History of New England in the Form of Annals, edition of 1887, ii, p. 26; Rosier, A True Relation of the most prosperous Voyage made this present year, etc., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, viii, p. 145.

[554] Gorges, A True Relation of the late Battell fought in New England, etc., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, vi, p. 51; Williamson, The History of the State of Maine from its first Discovery, i, p. 207; Young, Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of New England, etc., second edition, p. 190.

[555] Stith, History of Virginia, bk. i, pp. 33, 34; Drake, The Old Indian Chronicle, edition of 1867, pp. 10–13.

[556] Shakespeare’s jeering remark in “The Tempest,” Act II, Scene II, regarding those who refuse to help a lame beggar, but who will pay their money to see a dead Indian, may apply to one of these captives. Out of the common interest in savages the poet doubtless constructed the monster, Caliban.

При основании Плимутской колонии двое из этих пленников были посажены на корабль, следовавший из Бристоля к побережью Мэна. Испанский флот захватил судно, и индейцев увезли в Испанию. Горджес впоследствии разыскал одного из этих двоих, который вместе по меньшей мере с двумя другими из исходной пятерки был впоследствии отправлен в Америку (Горджес, «Краткое повествование о первоначальных предприятиях по развитию плантаций в частях Америки» и др., в «Сборнике Исторического общества Массачусетса», серия 3, т. vi, с. 54; Дрейк, «Указ. соч.», изд. 1867 г., с. 13).

[557] Hubbard, A General History of New England, etc., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 2, v, p. 37; Drake, op. cit., edition of 1867, pp. 13–14. No record seems to exist regarding the fate of these Indians. It may have been one of them whom Gorges obtained from the Isle of Wight at the time the Earl of Southampton was in command.

[558] Gorges, A Briefe Narration of the Originall Undertakings of the Advancement of Plantations into the parts of America, etc., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, vi, p. 59.

[559] Drake, The Book of the Indians, etc., ninth edition, bk. ii, p. 8; Gorges, op. cit., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, vi, p. 58; Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, pp. 111–112, in Original Narratives of Early American History.

[560] Gorges, op. cit., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, vi, p. 60; Freeman, Civilisation and Barbarism, etc., p. 39; Drake, The Old Indian Chronicle, edition of 1867, pp. 6–7.

[561] Smith, A Description of New England, etc., in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 3, vi, p. 132. There is no reason to believe that Smith had ideas regarding the Indians different from those held by the Englishmen of his time who did not rank the savage above the position of the slave, and who generally looked upon the Indians as a “degraded, inferior and faithless race, and no more to be regarded than the Africans.” Drake, op. cit., edition of 1867, p. 7.

[562] O’Callaghan, Calendar of Manuscripts, etc., pt. ii, p. 117.

[563] Ellis and Morris, King Philip’s War, p. 294; Drake, The Book of the Indians, etc., ninth edition, bk. iii, p. 104.

[564] Williamson, The History of the State of Maine, etc., i, p. 531; Holmes, American Annals, etc., pp. 403–407; Hubbard, A Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England, etc., pp. 332–344.

[565] Records of the Court of Assistants of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, i, p. 86.

[566] Futhey and Cope, History of Chester County, Pennsylvania, p. 39.

[567] Rupp, History of Lancaster County, etc., p. 89—Based on Gookin’s minutes of a journey in 1711 to the Indians in the vicinity of the Palatines.

[568] Brown, The History of Missions, or, of the Propagation of Christianity among the Heathen since the Reformation, i, p. 394.

[569] O’Callaghan, Calendar of Historical Manuscripts, pt. i, p. 45, records the manumission of Manuel, the Spaniard, from slavery, February 17, 1648, for the sum of 300 carolus guilders.

[570] Colonial Laws of New York, edition of 1894, i, p. 279.

[571] Ibid., i, p. 389. In 1685, the master of a Carolina brig, in a petition to Governor Dongan of New York, complained of Humphrey Ashley, who chartered the vessel but ruined the voyage by killing an Indian and kidnapping four others near the Cape Fear River, whom he brought to the port of New York. The result shows the colonial government of New York not in favor of kidnapping. The necessity of keeping on good relations with the Iroquois made it policy to discourage the kidnapping custom. So it was ordered that all the effects of Ashley be sold at auction and the proceeds used to defray the cost of transporting Ashley and the four Indians back to Carolina. O’Callaghan, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 117.

[572] O’Callaghan, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 117.

[573] Diary of Cotton Mather, in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 7, vii, p. 203.

[574] Mayhew, Indian Converts, etc., p. 120.

[575] Boston News Letter, September 10, 1711; May 2, 1715; January 15, 1719; December 28, 1720; June 18, 1724; March 2, 1732; Pennsylvania Gazette, March 7, 1731; New England Weekly Journal, August 30, 1731; October 14, 1735; August 10, 1736; Boston Gazette or Weekly Advertiser, December 22, 1718; August 1, 1749; New England Courant, June 17, 1723; Boston Weekly Mercury, October 2, 1735.

[576] Pennsylvania Colonial Records, ii, pp. 112, 120.

[577] Spanish Indians are mentioned in the following issues of the colonial newspapers: Boston News Letter, November 13, 1704; April 29, 1706; August 5, 1706; May 2, 1715; January 5, 1719; December 28, 1720; June 18, 1724; March 2, 1732; New England Courant, June 17, 1723; Boston Gazette or Weekly Journal, August 1, 1749; Boston Weekly Mercury, October 2, 1735; New England Weekly Journal, August 30, 1731; August 10, 1736; Pennsylvania Gazette, March 7, 1731; American Weekly Mercury, April 10, 1739.

[578] Hurd, The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States, i, p. 205.

[579] Hening, op. cit., i, p. 482.

[580] Archives of Maryland, xv, p. 22.

[581] Ibid., xiii, p. 525.

[582] Ibid., xxvi, p. 514.

[583] Colonial laws of Massachusetts reprinted from the edition of 1660 with the supplements to 1672, containing also the body of Liberties of 1641, p. 53.

[584] Colonial Laws of Massachusetts, edition of 1672, p. 15.

[585] Vol. XXX, No. 227 A. of the Massachusetts manuscript records contains a petition, dated September 20, 1676, of one John Harton imprisoned for stealing Indians, asking freedom under bail in order to support his wife and family.

[586] Felt, The Ecclesiastical History of New England, ii, p. 418.

[587] Leaming and Spicer, The Grants, Concessions and Original Constitutions of the Province of New Jersey, etc., p. 105.

[588] New Hampshire Historical Society Collections, viii, p. 11.

[589] Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 126.

[590] Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 316.

[591] Ibid., v, pp. 178, 354, 360, 361; Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 332.

[592] South Carolina Historical Society Collections, v, pp. 166, 460–462; Narratives of Early Carolina (Woodward’s relation of his Westo voyage), p. 133, in Original Narratives of Early American History; Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, vii, p. 634. One of the instruments of supply was the Cherokee. Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., p. 96; Logan, The History of Upper Carolina, i, p. 174.

[593] In 1666 Robert Sanford, secretary of the proprietors, made a voyage from Cape Fear to Port Royal and reported to the proprietors that the Indians of that section were anxious for friendship with the whites “notwithstanding we ... had killed and sent away many of them.” Robert Sanford’s Relation of his Voyage in 1666, in Charleston Year Book, 1885, p. 292.

[594] Rivers, A Sketch of the History of South Carolina, etc., appendix, p. 353; Journal of the Grand Council of South Carolina, August 25, 1671–June 24, 1680, p. 84.

[595] For the character of the Carolina settlers, see McCrady, The History of South Carolina under the Royal Government, pp. 297–298.

[596] Rivers, op. cit., p. 126, holds that but little credit can be given to the assertion that the colonists instigated the tribes against each other for the purpose of trading in their captives. Hewat, op. cit., i, pp. 126–127, asserts that the colonists early found out the usefulness to this end of setting one tribe of Indians against another. Lawson, The History of Carolina, etc., p. 325, tells of the Coranine Indians inviting the Machapunga Indians to a feast, taking them prisoners and selling them to the English.

[597] Rivers, op. cit., p. 126; Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 127.

[598] Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 127.

[599] French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 36.

[600] Public Records of South Carolina, 1706–1710, p. 197; B. P. R. O., vol. 620.

[601] Winsor, The Mississippi Basin, etc., p. 133. The English in their turn accused the French of pillaging the traders.

[602] Margry, op. cit., iv, pp. 406, 507, 516.

[603] On June 18, 1718, Robert Johnson, governor of Carolina, reported that he had made peace “with several nations, particularly the great nation of the Creeks who live to the southward near St. Augustine,” and added that “the treaties with them are very precarious so long as the French from Morels and the Spaniards from St. Augustine live and have intercourse amongst them, and do continually by presents and furnishing them with arms and ammunition and buying the slaves and plunder, encourage them to war upon us.” Public Records of South Carolina, 1717–1720, vii, p. 135; B. P. R. O., B. T., x, p. 2157.

[604] Margry, op. cit., iv, p. 517.

[605] Ibid., iv, p. 578.

[606] Ibid., iv, p. 544; Report concerning Canadian Archives, 1905, i, p. 523.

[607] French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 32.

[608] Ibid., new series, i, p. 86.

[609] Ibid., new series, i, p. 97; pt. iii, p. 33.

[610] Ibid., pt. iii, p. 34.

[611] Ibid., new series, p. 123; Margry, op. cit., v, p. 506. The slaves acquired on this special occasion were from the Shawnee nation, and had been taken by a combined force of Chickasaw, Yazoo and Natchez.

[612] Rivers, op. cit., p. 132.

[613] Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 78. In their letter to West, telling him of their sanction of his appointment, the proprietors cautioned him against appointing any deputies, including Mathews, Moore and Middleton, who might belong to the opposing party. Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, xii, p. 11. West became governor in 1674.

[614] Oldmixon, The British Empire in America, i, p. 337; Grahame, op. cit., ii, p. 115. Yeamans prospered so well in the traffic in negroes with Barbadoes that, in 1684, he returned to his plantation and the office of governor was restored to West.

[615] Rivers, op. cit., p. 126.

[616] West was a member of this commission.

[617] Chalmers, Political Annals of the Province of Carolina, in Carroll, op. cit., ii, p. 314.

[618] Public Records of South Carolina, i, 1663–1684, p. 141; B. P. R. O., Colonial Entry Book, xx, p. 184.

[619] Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, xi, pp. 508–510.

[620] The colonial officials persistently denied that they stirred up the tribes to make war upon each other so as to obtain captives for slaves. Such letters and statements of denial are found in North Carolina Colonial Records, ii, p. 252. (A letter of April 5, 1716); Journal of the Board of Trade, Public Record Office, Co. 391, 25 R., xvii, p. 175 (Testimony rendered July 16. 1715). The government officials claimed that the Indian outbreaks against the English were caused, not by any action of the officials in stirring them up to obtain slaves, but rather by the abuses practiced upon them by the traders and by the inability of the colonial government to control the traders. Journal of the Board of Trade, Public Record Office, Co. 391, 25 R., xvii, pp. 168, 169, 176, 191.

[621] Chalmers, op. cit., in Carroll, op. cit., ii, p. 314. This special letter of the proprietors was called forth by Captain Godfrey’s treatment of the Indians, and by the opinions of private individuals expressed in letters to them. The proprietors had already struck a blow at the council by giving the parliament a right to punish members of the council for misbehavior. The council had complained of this to the proprietors, who in turn asserted that the Indian dealers (members of the council) feared lest the parliament have too much power over them. Archdale, A New Description, etc., in Carroll, op. cit., ii. p. 100.

[622] Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, xi, pp. 508–510.

[623] Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, xi, pp. 508–510.

[624] Archdale, op. cit., in Carroll, op. cit., ii, p. 107; Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 78; Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, xi, p. 508; Public Records of South Carolina, i, 1663–1684, p 266; B. P. R. O., Colonial Entry Book, xxii, p. 20. The Journal of the English Board of Trade, vol. xi, p. 174, under the date August 19, 1698, and the marginal heading American Indian Slaves, contains the following direction to the governor of Bermudas: “And upon observation made that it is commonly said there are many Americans at Bermuda kept as slaves; ordered, that the governor be required to give an account, what number there are of them, from whence they are bought and by whom imported.” The governor’s reply was a mere tabulation of slaves, with a statement of their sex and the locality in which they resided, without any special reference to Indian slaves. No further reference was made to the matter by the Board of Trade.

[625] Rivers, op. cit., appendix, p. 456.

[626] O’Gorman, A History of the Roman Catholic Church in the United States, p. 39.

[627] Rivers, op. cit., appendix, p. 456; North Carolina Colonial Records, ii, p. 904. The complaint read: “ruined trade in skins and furs (whereby we held our chief correspondence with England) and turned it into a trade of Indians or slave making, whereby the Indians to the south and west of us are already involved in blood and confusion, a trade so odious and abominable, that every colony in America (although they have equal temptation) abhor to follow.”

[628] Logan, op. cit., i, p. 172.

[629] State of the British and French Colonies in North America, p. 25.

[630] New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1859, xiii, p. 300.

[631] Thomas, op. cit., ii, pp. 95–100; Journal of the Board of Trade, British Public Record Office, Co. 391. 25 R., xvii. p. 168.

[632] Indian Book, 1710–1718, i, p. 17, in Columbia, South Carolina, Historical Commission Department. The letters of the missionaries of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts stationed in South Carolina contain frequent mention of the traders’ action: Letters of Le Jau, 1708: February and July, 1711 (The letter of February 20, 1711, relates an instance of the traders bringing back one hundred Indian slaves); August 10, 1714; Letters of Johnston, January 27, 1715; December 19, 1715, in Records of the S. P. G. F. P.

[633] Indian Book, 1710–1718, i, p. 29, in Columbia, South Carolina Historical Commission Department, (directions given to traders, July 24, 1716).

[634] Ibid., i, p. 156, (directions given to traders, May 14, 1717); i, p. 28, (directions given to traders July 24, 1716); i, p. 40, (directions given to traders, July 27, 1716).

[635] Logan, op. cit., i, p. 180.

[636] Logan, op. cit., i, p. 187.

[637] On being handed over to the board, the Indians were ordered to be sold at auction at a specified time and place to anyone who would promise to export them from the province within a specified time. In the meantime they were fed and sheltered at public expense. Logan, op. cit., i, p. 156.

[638] Logan, op. cit., i, p. 171. Johnson became governor in 1703.

[639] Ibid., i, p. 182.

[640] Logan, op. cit., i, pp. 175, 177, 180, 181, 182, 183 cites such trials. A letter of Steevens, missionary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, in South Carolina, 1708, tells of the trial and acquittal of traders for the illegal enslavement of Spanish Indians. Records of S. P. G. F. P.

[641] Logan, op. cit., i, p. 180.

[642] Ibid., i, p. 182.

[643] Ibid., i, pp. 183–186. Case of Alexander Long and Eleazer Wiggon who in revenge stirred up the Cherokee to destroy the Euchee.

[644] On July 15, 1715, Mr. Byrd, one of the council of Virginia, appeared before the Board of Trade, and in reply to questions regarding the hostilities lately committed by the Indians on Carolina, declared the action of the Indians to be due to the cupidity of the traders and the custom of encouraging the Indians to wage war on each other that the traders might buy the captives as slaves. Journal of the Board of Trade, B. P. R. O., Co. 391, 25 R., xvii, pp. 167–168. Similar statements were made by Mr. Banister, Ibid., p. 169, Mr. Kettleby, Ibid., p. 175 and Mr. Crawley, Ibid., p. 191.

[645] South Carolina Public Records, April to December, 1720, vii, p. 226; British Public Record Office, South Carolina, Board of Trade, Co. 5, 358 A 14 and 15, October 27, 1720.

[646] Logan, op. cit., i, p. 189. Though no estimate of the number of Indians enslaved during this long period in the south is possible, it was so large that the decay of the coast Indians has been attributed to it. Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., ii, p. 95.

[647] Hening, op. cit., i, p. 482; ii, pp. 143, 155; Lawson, The History of North Carolina, p. 280.

[648] Margry, op. cit., iv, pp. lvi, 531, 544, 561.

[649] Hening, op. cit., i, p. 455.

[650] Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 143.

[651] Ibid., ii, p. 155; Tucker, A Dissertation on Slavery, p. 32.

[652] Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 283.

[653] Ibid., iii, p. 69.

[654] Lawson, The History of North Carolina, p. 280.

[655] North Carolina Colonial Records, ii, p. 252.

[656] A letter from the governor and council of South Carolina, May 7, 1707, states: “We have also commerce with Boston, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New York and Virginia, to which places we export Indian slaves.” Bancroft Papers relating to Carolina, in New York City Public Library, MSS., vol. i, 1662–1769; Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., p. 95; Coffin, A Sketch of the History of Newbury, p. 336; Journal of the Board of Trade, Public Record Office, Co. 391, 25 R, xvii, p. 168. The colonial newspapers mention Carolina Indians in the following issues: Boston News Letter, July 31, 1704: October 28, 1706; March 31, 1707; November 15, 1708; August 6, 1711; August 20, 1711; September 10, 1711; December 10, 1711; July 5, 1714; September 17, 1716; March 11, 1717; New England Courant, August 19, 1723.

[657] Acts and Resolves, i, p. 698. July 15, 1715, Mr. Bannister of Virginia appeared before the Board of Trade and declared that the selling in New England of Indian slaves taken in war had caused so much injury by arousing the hostility of the neighboring natives, that the legislature of Massachusetts had been obliged to pass a law prohibiting the buying or selling of any Indians as slaves. Journal of the Board of Trade, Public Record Office, Co. 391, p. 169.

[658] Acts and Resolves, ii, p. 364. The unforeseen exigencies were “death, danger of the seas, captivity or inevitable accident.”

[659] Hoadly, Records of the Colony or Jurisdiction of New Haven from May, 1653, to the Union, etc., p. 177.

[660] Connecticut Colonial Records, v, p. 516.

[661] Connecticut Colonial Records, v, pp. 534–535.

[662] Acts and Laws of the State of Connecticut, in America, edition of 1784, p. 230.

[663] Connecticut Colonial Records, xiv, p. 329.

[664] Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, ii, p. 550.

[665] Ibid., iii, p. 483.

[666] Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, iv, pp. 193–194.

[667] Laws of New Hampshire, edition of 1771, p. 53; edition of 1726, p. 49; Magazine of American History, xxi, 1889, p. 62.

[668] McClintock, History of New Hampshire, p. 151.

[669] New York Colonial Documents, xii, p. 414.

[670] Pennsylvania Archives, first series, xii, p. 280; Bancroft Papers relating to Carolina, in New York City Public Library, MSS., vol. i, 1662–1769; Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., p. 95.

[671] Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania, ii, p. 236; Pennsylvania Colonial Records, ii, p. 213; Bolles, Pennsylvania, Province and State, ii, p. 172.

[672] An Indian boy was said to have been imported into the colony in 1708 contrary to the law. The matter was brought before the council, September 14, 1709, but was referred for lack of evidence. Pennsylvania Colonial Records, ii, p. 490. It was perhaps due to this event that the council, February 21, 1710, decided that a case of infringement of the act of 1706 should be tried before the Court of Common Pleas. Ibid., ii, pp. 508–509.

[673] This was the first effort to restrain negro slavery in Pennsylvania. It was introduced into the assembly in the form of a petition by William Southeby, a resident of Maryland and a Roman Catholic. In 1696 he wrote papers against slavery. For a sketch of his life, see the article by Nathan Kite in vol. xxviii of The Friend, pp. 293, 301, 309.

[674] Laws of Pennsylvania collected, etc., 1714, p. 165; Pennsylvania Colonial Records, ii, pp. 550, 553; Pennsylvania Statutes at Large, ii, p. 433; Votes and Proceedings of the House of Representatives of the Province of Pennsylvania, ii, pp. 112, 114; Pennsylvania Historical Society Memoirs, i, p. 389.

[675] Burge, Commentaries on Colonial and Foreign Laws, i, p. 737; Gordon, History of Pennsylvania, p. 166.

[676] Lawson, The History of North Carolina, p. 351, tells of Indians selling an Indian thief to the governor.

[677] Livermore, A History of Block Island, p. 60, mentions an instance of an Indian sold by his brothers for ten gallons of rum; and a second instance when another Indian was sold by his brothers and sisters for a term of thirteen years, for thirty gallons of rum and four cloth coats, the rum to be paid in annual instalments of one gallon each. The Indian was to have his board and clothing and two suits of apparel at the expiration of his bondage. Ibid., p. 60.

[678] Green, Springfield, etc., p. 153, quotes a deed for land, 1665, in which an Indian girl is given by her parents as security for payment.

[679] Williamson, The History of North Carolina, i, p. 95; Lawson, op. cit., pp. 73, 74; Hawks, History of North Carolina, second edition, ii, p. 73.

[680] Williamson, op. cit., p. 95.

[681] New York Colonial Documents, v, p. 433.

[682] Hening, op. cit., i, p. 410.

[683] Ibid., i, p. 396.

[684] Ibid., i, p. 455.

[685] Virginia Historical Society Collections, new series, i, p. 125. (This probably refers to the act of 1666).

[686] Acts and Resolves, i, p. 436.

[687] Ibid., ii, p. 104.

[688] Ibid., ii, 364. Palfrey, History of New England, ii, p. 30, points out that the expression in the Massachusetts Body of Liberties, “willingly sell themselves,” related to such as contracted to labor for a term of years, though in some cases, such term might have been for life. The engagement, whatever its duration, would be subject to transference to a third party, in which case the original contractor would be “sold.”

[689] Acts and Resolves, iv, p. 641.

[690] Arnold, History of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, ii, p. 101; Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, vii, p. 232.

[691] Early Records of the Town of Providence, xvi, p. 244. Weeden, Early Rhode Island, p. 173, mentions such slaves in 1750.

[692] New York Colonial Documents, v, p. 433.

[693] Ibid., vi, p. 546.

[694] New York Colonial Documents, vi, p. 546.

[695] List given in Ross, History of Long Island, i, p. 125.

[696] Rivers, Topics in the History of South Carolina, p. 51.

[697] Ibid., p. 51. It will be noted that in both the South Carolina cases cited, the sentence of transportation and slavery was passed before the Indians concerned were proved guilty of the charges against them.

[698] Winthrop, Journal, Savage edition, i, p. 233 (editor’s note); Hildreth, A History of the United States from the Discovery of the Continent, etc., i, p. 239.

[699] Hening, op. cit., ii, p. 15.

[700] Hening, op. cit., iv, p. 104; Historical Documents from the Old Dominion, No. 3, p. 258. The governor and council, without a jury, were to act as a court for the trial of such offenders.

[701] Shurtleff, Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, i, p. 329.

[702] Freeman, The History of Cape Cod, ii, p. 72; Thacher, History of the Town of Plymouth, p. 149.

[703] Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, ix, p. 307; Cook, Drummond Island, p. 70. To retain their services for a time longer than that specified in the sentence of the court, the whites were accustomed on the ninth day to furnish the Indians with rum and get them drunk so that they must remain ten days longer. The practice was so long continued that at one time there was several hundreds of Indians on the island, “many whereof had been by the practices aforesaid kept about three months.”

[704] Plymouth Colony Records, vi, p. 104.

[705] Manuscript Council Records of Massachusetts, ii, p. 40; Laws of New Hampshire, Provincial Period, i, p. 116.

[706] Manuscript Council Records of Massachusetts, ii, p. 310.

[707] Freeman, The History of Cape Cod, i, p. 714.

[708] Sewall’s Diary, in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 5, vi, p. 143.

[709] Manuscript Council Records of Massachusetts, viii, No. 169.

[710] Ibid., ccxxxii, No. 1.

[711] Boston Public Library Monthly Bulletin, vii, February, 1902, p. 74. This Indian was stolen from his owner by pirates and carried to South Carolina, but escaped and returned to New England. He was about to return to his master to serve out his term of servitude when he was seized by two white men of Massachusetts and enslaved by them.