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«Летописи и древности Раджастхана»

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Не было недостатка в претендентах на должности, которые здесь являлись наследственными; но напрасно было бы искать их среди потомков добродетельного Панчоли или строгого Амрачанда, и предсказание первого: «Прах покроет голову Мевара, когда добродетель бродит в лохмотьях», — исполнилось с точностью. Не было заметно ни талантов, ни влияния, ни честности; однако этот недостаток скорее вызывал печаль, чем удивление, и подстегивал к усилиям ради них, а не гасил надежду на улучшение, хотя всякое поле для деятельности, кроме арены интриг, было утрачено, а таланты дремали за неимением упражнения.

Недееспособность раны. —The Rana’s character was little calculated to supply his minister’s deficiencies. Though perfectly versed in the past history of his country, its resources, and their management; though able, wise, and amiable, his talents were nullified by numerous weak points. Vain shows, frivolous amusements, and an ill-regulated liberality alone occupied him; and so long as he could gratify these propensities, he trusted complacently to the exertions of others for the restoration of order and his proper authority. He had little steadiness of purpose, and was particularly obnoxious to female influence. It is scarcely to be wondered that he coveted repose, and was little desirous to disturb the only moment his existence had presented of enjoying it, by inviting the turmoils of business. No man, however, was more capable of advising: his judgment was good, but he seldom followed its dictates; in short, he was an adept in theory, and a novice in practice. The only man about the court at once of integrity and efficiency was Kishandas, who had long acted as ambassador, and to whose assiduity the sovereign and the country owed much; but his services were soon cut off by death.

Таковы были исходные материалы, с которых началась работа по реформированию. Цель состояла в том, чтобы вернуть положение дел в соответствие с той эпохой их истории, когда права князя, вассала и земледельца были одинаково четко определены — эпохой Амра Сингха.

Отношения раны с его нобилями. —The first point to effect was the recognition of the prince’s authority by his nobles; the surest sign of which was their presence at the capital, where some had never been, and others only when it suited their convenience or their views. In a few weeks the Rana saw himself surrounded by a court such as had not been known for half a century. It created no small curiosity to learn by what secret power they were brought into each other’s presence. Even the lawless Hamira, who but a short while before had plundered the marriage dower of the Hari queen [482] coming from Kotah, and the chief of the Sangawat clan, who had sworn “he might bend his head to woman, but never to his sovereign,” left their castles of Badesar and Deogarh, and “placing the royal rescript on their heads,” hastened to his presence; and in a few weeks the whole feudal association of Mewar was embodied in the capital.

Возвращение изгнанников. —To recall the exiled population was a measure simultaneous with the assembling of the nobles; but this was a work requiring time: they had formed ties, and incurred obligations to the societies which had sheltered them, which could not at once be disengaged or annulled. But wherever a subject of Mewar existed, proclamations penetrated, and satisfactory assurances were obtained, and realized to an extent which belied in the strongest manner the assertion that patriotism is unknown to the natives of Hindustan. The most enthusiastic and cheering proofs were afforded that neither oppression from without, nor tyranny within, could expel the feeling for the bapota, the land of their fathers. Even now, though time has chastened the impressions, we should fear to pen but a tithe of the proofs of devotion of the husbandman of Mewar to the solum natale: it would be deemed romance by those who never contemplated humanity in its reflux from misery and despair to the ‘sweet influences’ of hope; he alone who had witnessed the day of trouble, and beheld the progress of desolation—the standing corn grazed by Mahratta horse—the rifled towns devoted to the flames—the cattle driven to the camp, and the chief men seized as hostages for money never to be realized—could appreciate their deliverance. To be permitted to see these evils banished, to behold the survivors of oppression congregated from the most distant provinces, many of them strangers to each other, and the aged and the helpless awaiting the lucky day to take possession of their ruined abodes, was a sight which memory will not part with. Thus on the 3rd of Sawan (July),[16] a favourite day with the husbandman, three hundred of all conditions, with their waggons and implements of labour, and preceded by banners and music, marched into Kapasan;[17] and Ganesha was once again invoked as they reconsecrated their dwellings, and placed his portrait as the Janus of the portals. On the same day, and within eight months subsequent to the signature of the treaty, above three hundred towns and villages were simultaneously reinhabited; and the land, which for many years had been a stranger to the plough-share, was broken up. Well might [483] the superstitious fancy that miracles were abroad; for even to those who beheld the work in progression it had a magical result, to see the waste covered with habitations, and the verdant corn growing in the fields where lately they had roused the boar from his retreat! It was a day of pride for Britain! By such exertions of her power in these distant lands her sway is hallowed. By Britain alone can this fair picture be defaced; the tranquillity and independence she has conferred, by her alone may be disturbed!

Привлечение капитала. —To these important preliminary measures, the assembly of the nobles and recall of the population, was added a third, without which the former would have been nugatory. There was no wealth, no capital, to aid their patriotism and industry. Foreign merchants and bankers had abandoned the devoted land; and those who belonged to it partook of her poverty and her shame. Money was scarce, and want of faith and credit had increased the usury on loans to a ruinous extent. The Rana borrowed at thirty-six per cent; besides twenty-five to forty per cent discount for his barats, or patents empowering collection on the land; a system pursued for some time even after his restoration to authority. His profusion exceeded even the rapidity of renovation; and the husbandman had scarcely broken up his long-waste fields, when a call was made by the harpies of the State for an advance on their produce, while he himself had been compelled to borrow at a like ruinous rate for seed and the means of support, to be paid by expectations. To have hoped for the revival of prosperity amidst such destitution, moral and pecuniary, would have been visionary. It was as necessary to improve the one as to find the other; for poverty and virtue do not long associate, and certainly not in Mewar. Proclamations were therefore prepared by the Rana, inviting foreign merchants and bankers to establish connexions in the chief towns throughout the country; but as in the days of demoralization little faith was placed in the words of princes, similar ones were prepared by the Agent, guaranteeing the stipulations, and both were distributed to every commercial city in India. The result was as had been foreseen: branch banks were everywhere formed, and mercantile agents fixed in every town in the country, whose operations were only limited by the slow growth of moral improvement. The shackles which bound external commerce were at once removed, and the multifarious posts for the collections of transit duties abolished; in lieu of which chain of stations, all levies on goods in transit were confined to the frontiers. The scale of duties [484] was revised; and by the abolition of intermediate posts, they underwent a reduction of from thirty to fifty per cent. By this system, which could not for some time be comprehended, the transit and custom duties of Mewar made the most certain part of the revenue, and in a few years exceeded in amount what had ever been known.

Торговля в Бхилваре. —The chief commercial mart, Bhilwara, which showed not a vestige of humanity, rapidly rose from ruin, and in a few months contained twelve hundred houses, half of which were occupied by foreign merchants. Bales of goods, the produce of the most distant lands, were piled up in the streets lately overgrown with grass, and a weekly fair was established for the home manufactures. A charter of privileges and immunities was issued, exempting them from all taxation for the first year, and graduating the scale for the future; calculated with the same regard to improvement, by giving the mind the full range of enjoying the reward of its exertions. The right of electing their own chief magistrates and the assessors of justice, was above all things indispensable, so as to render them as independent as possible of the needy servants of the court. A guard was provided by the government for their protection, and a competent authority nominated to see that the full extent of their privileges, and the utmost freedom of action, were religiously maintained. The entire success of this plan may at once be recorded to prevent repetition. In 1822, Bhilwara contained nearly three thousand dwellings, which were chiefly inhabited by merchants, bankers, or artisans. An entire new street had been constructed in the centre of the town, from the duties levied, and the shops and houses were rented at a moderate rate; while many were given up to the proprietors of their sites, returning from exile, on their paying the price of construction. But as there is no happiness without alloy, so even this pleasing picture had its dark shades to chasten the too sanguine expectation of imparting happiness to all. Instead of a generous emulation, a jealous competition checked the prosperity of Bhilwara: the base spirit of exclusive monopoly desired a distinction between the native and the stranger-merchant, for which they had a precedent in the latter paying an addition to the town-duty of metage (mapa). The unreasonableness of this was discussed, and it was shown to be more consonant to justice that he who came from Jaisalmer, Surat, Benares, or Delhi, should pay less than the merchant whose domicile was on the spot. When at length the parties acquiesced in this opinion, and were intreated and promised to know [485] none other distinction than that of ‘inhabitant of Bhilwara,’ sectarian differences, which there was less hope of reconciling, became the cause of disunion. All the Hindu merchants belong either to the Vaishnava or Jain sects; consequently each had a representative head, and ‘the Five’ for the adjudication of their internal arrangements; and these, the wise men of both parties, formed the general council for the affairs of Bhilwara. But they carried their religious differences to the judgement-seat, where each desired pre-eminence. Whether the point in dispute hinged on the interpretation of law, which with all these sects is of divine origin, or whether the mammon of unrighteousness was the lurking cause of their bickerings, they assuredly did much harm, for their appeals brought into play what of all things was least desired, the intrigues of the profligate dependents of the court. It will be seen hereafter,[18] in visits to Bhilwara, how these disputes were in some degree calmed. The leaders on both sides were distinctly given to understand they would be made to leave the place. Self-interest prevented this extremity; but from the withdrawing of that active interference (which the state of the alliance did not indeed warrant, but which humanity interposed for their benefit) together with the effect of appeals to the court, it is to be apprehended that Bhilwara may fail to become what it was intended to be, the chief commercial mart of Central India.[19]

Реформа дворянства. —Of the three measures simultaneously projected and pursued for the restoration of prosperity, the industrious portion has been described. The feudal interest remains, which was found the most difficult to arrange. The agricultural and commercial classes required only protection and stimulus, and we could repay the benefits their industry conferred by the lowest scale of taxation, which, though in fact equally beneficial to the government, was constructed as a boon. But with the feudal lords there was no such equivalent to offer in return for the sacrifices many had to make for the re-establishment of society. Those who were well inclined, like Kotharia, had everything to gain, and nothing left to surrender; while those who, like Deogarh, Salumbar, or Badnor, had preserved their power by foreign aid, intrigue, or prowess, dreaded the high price they might be called upon to pay [486] for the benefit of security which the new alliance conferred. All dreaded the word ‘restitution,’ and the audit of half a century’s political accounts; yet the adjustment of these was the corner-stone of the edifice, which anarchy and oppression had dismantled. Feuds were to be appeased, a difficult and hazardous task; and usurpations, both on the crown and each other, to be redeemed. ‘To bring the wolf and the goat to drink from the same vessel,’ was a task of less difficulty than to make the Chondawat and Saktawat labour in concert for the welfare of the prince and the country. In fine, a better idea cannot be afforded of what was deemed the hopelessness of success than the opinion of Zorawar Singh, the chief of the latter clan, who had much to relinquish: “Were Parameswara (the Almighty) to descend, he could not reform Mewar.” We judged better of them than they did of each other.

Переговоры с вождями. —It were superfluous to detail all the preparatory measures for the accomplishment of this grand object; the meetings and adjournments, which only served to keep alive discontent. On the 27th of April, the treaty with the British Government was read, and the consequent change in their relations explained. Meanwhile, a charter, defining the respective rights of the crown and of the chiefs, with their duties to the community, was prepared, and a day named for a general assembly of the chieftains to sanction and ratify this engagement. The 1st of May was fixed: the chiefs assembled; the articles, ten in number, were read and warmly discussed; when with unmeaning expressions of duty, and objections to the least prominent, they obtained through their speaker, Gokuldas of Deogarh, permission to reassemble at his house to consider them, and broke up with the promise to attend next day. The delay, as apprehended, only generated opposition, and the 2nd and 3rd passed in inter-communications of individual hope and fear. It was important to put an end to speculation. At noon, on the 4th of May, the grand hall was again filled, when the Rana, with his sons and ministers, took their seats. Once more the articles were read, objections raised and combated, and midnight had arrived without the object of the meeting being advanced, when an adjournment, proposed by Gokuldas, till the arrival of the Rana’s plenipotentiary from Delhi, met with a firm denial; and the Rana gave him liberty to retire, if he refused his testimony of loyalty. The Begun chief, who had much to gain, at length set the example, followed by the chiefs of Amet and Deogarh, and in succession by all the sixteen nobles, who also signed as the proxies of their [487] relatives, unable from sickness to attend. The most powerful of the second grade also signed for themselves and the absent of their clans, each, as he gave in his adhesion, retiring; and it was three in the morning of the 5th of May ere the ceremony was over. The chief of the Saktawats, determined to be conspicuous, was the last of his own class to sign. During this lengthened and painful discussion of fifteen hours’ continuance, the Rana conducted himself with such judgment and firmness, as to give sanguine hopes of his taking the lead in the settlement of his affairs.

Соблюдение договора. —This preliminary adjusted, it was important that the stipulations of the treaty[20] should be rigidly if not rapidly effected. It will not be a matter of surprise, that some months passed away before the complicated arrangements arising out of this settlement were completed; but it may afford just grounds for gratulation, that they were finally accomplished without a shot being fired, or the exhibition of a single British soldier in the country, nor, indeed, within one hundred miles of Udaipur. ‘Opinion’ was the sole and all-sufficient ally effecting this political reform. The Rajputs, in fact, did not require the demonstration of our physical strength; its influence had reached far beyond Mewar. When the few firelocks defeated hundreds of the foes of public tranquillity, they attributed it to ‘the strength of the Company’s salt,’[21] the moral agency of which was proclaimed the true basis of our power. ‘Sachha Raj’ was the proud epithet applied by our new allies to the British Government in the East; a title which distinguished the immortal Alfred, ‘the upright.’

Легко вообразить, что реформа, затрагивавшая всю феодальную ассоциацию, не могла быть осуществлена без изнурительных и мучительных споров, когда целью был отказ от земель, на которые в одних случаях можно было заявить наследственное право, в других — признание успешной мести, тогда как для многих могло утверждаться давнее владение. Это было тем более мучительно, что, хотя оттенки, знаменовавшие приобретение таких земель, различались, в способе урегулирования не могло быть никаких исключений, а именно: безоговорочная сдача. В некоторых случаях ране приходилось отзывать собственные пожаловании, вырванные либо его нуждой, либо его слабостью; но ни в том, ни в другом случае нельзя было найти доводов, смягчающих отказ или способных парировать мощные, патетические и порой гнездящиеся на жалости или предрассудках обращения к справедливости. Приводились встречные призывы к их верности и необходимости восстановления справедливого веса и влияния их государя в социальном организме, без чего их собственное благополучие не могло быть обеспечено, однако индивидуальные взгляды и страсти слишком сильно поглощали их, чтобы склониться перед общим благом. Так недели проходили в обмене визитами, усмирении гордыни и лести тщеславию путем возрождения прошлых воспоминаний, что постепенно приучало вождей к этой мысли и приводило их к подчинению. Время, примирение и беспристрастная справедливость закрепили одержанную таким образом победу; и когда они увидели, что ничьи интересы не ущемлены, партийные взгляды чужды, а система охватывает своим благотворным действием каждый слой общества, за уступками последовало согласие. Некоторые из этих изъятий представляли собой отчуждения от короны, длившиеся полвека. Частных случаев трудностей избежать не удавалось, не навлекая на себя обвинений в фаворитизме и столь страшно опасаемого возобновления древних распрей, искоренение которых было непременным условием, но требовало огромной осмотрительности. Замки и земли в таком положении не могли быть ни оставлены у прежних владельцев, ни возвращены старым хозяевам без разжигания пламени гражданской войны. Единственной альтернативой было взятие короной предмета спора в свои руки и выплата компенсации из собственных владений. Было бы столь же утомительно, сколь и безынтересно вдаваться в детали этих договоренностей, когда один вождь должен был отказаться от сбора транзитных пошлин в самом важном торговом выходе страны, на который, как утверждалось, он обладал правом на протяжении семи поколений, как в случае с вождем Деогарха; или другого (вождя Бхиндара), владевшего сорока тремя городами и селениями сверх своего пожалования; Амета, Бадесара, Даблы, Лавы и многих других, владевших важными крепостями короны независимо от ее воли, равно как и прочих претензий, охватывающих каждое право и привилегию, принадлежащие феодальному обществу; достаточно сказать, что за шесть месяцев все эти мероприятия были завершены.

Дело Арджи. —In the painful and protracted discussions attendant on these arrangements, powerful traits of national character were developed. The castle and domain of Arja half a century ago belonged to the crown, but had been usurped by the Purawats, from whom it was wrested by storm about fifteen years back by the Saktawats, and a patent sanctioning possession was obtained, on the payment of a fine of £1000 to the Rana. Its surrender was now required from Fateh Singh, the second brother of Bhindar, the head of this clan; but being regarded as the victorious completion of a feud, it was not easy to silence their prejudices and objections. The renunciation of the forty-three towns and villages by the chief of the clan caused not half the excitation, and every Saktawat seemed to forgo his individual losses in the common sentiment expressed by their head: “Arja is the price of blood, and with its cession our honour is surrendered.” To preserve the point of honour, it was stipulated that it should not revert to the Purawats, but be incorporated with the fisc, which granted an equivalent; when letters of surrender were signed by both brothers, whose conduct throughout was manly and confiding.

Баднор и Амет. —The Badnor and Amet chiefs, both of the superior grade of nobles, were the most formidable obstacles to the operation of the treaty of the 4th of May. The first of these, by name Jeth Singh (the victorious [chief] lion), was of the Mertia clan, the bravest of the brave race of Rathor, whose ancestors had left their native abodes on the plains of Marwar, and accompanied the celebrated Mira Bai on her marriage with Rana Kumbha. His descendants, amongst whom was Jaimall, of immortal memory, enjoyed honour in Mewar equal to their birth and high deserts. It was the more difficult to treat with men like these, whose conduct had been a contrast to the general license of the times, and who had reason to feel offended, when no distinction was observed between them and those who had disgraced the name of Rajput. Instead of the submission expected from the Rathor, so overwhelmed was he from the magnitude of the claims, which amounted to a virtual extinction of his power, that he begged leave to resign his estates and quit the country. In prosecution of this design, he took post in the chief hall of the palace, from which no entreaties could make him move;[22] until the Rana, to [490] escape his importunities, and even restraint, obtained his promise to abide by the decision of the Agent. The forms of the Rana’s court, from time immemorial, prohibit all personal communication between the sovereign and his chiefs in matters of individual interest, by which indecorous altercation is avoided. But the ministers, whose office it was to obtain every information, did not make a rigid scrutiny into the title-deeds of the various estates previous to advancing the claims of the crown. This brave man had enemies, and he was too proud to have recourse to the common arts either of adulation or bribery to aid his cause. It was a satisfaction to find that the two principal towns demanded of him were embodied in a grant of Sangram Singh’s reign; and the absolute rights of the fisc, of which he had become possessed, were cut down to about fifteen thousand rupees of annual revenue. But there were other points on which he was even more tenacious than the surrender of these. Being the chief noble of the fine district of Badnor, which consisted of three hundred and sixty towns and villages, chiefly of feudal allotments (many of them of his own clan), he had taken advantage of the times to establish his influence over them, to assume the right of wardship of minors, and secure those services which were due to the prince, but which he wanted the power to enforce. The holders of these estates were of the third class of vassals or gol (the mass), whose services it was important to reclaim, and who constituted in past times the most efficient force of the Ranas, and were the preponderating balance of their authority when mercenaries were unknown in these patriarchal states. Abundant means towards a just investigation had been previously procured; and after some discussion, in which all admissible claims were recognized, and argument was silenced by incontrovertible facts, this chieftain relinquished all that was demanded, and sent in, as from himself, his written renunciation to his sovereign. However convincing the data by which his proper rights and those of his prince were defined, it was to feeling and prejudice that we were mainly indebted for so satisfactory an adjustment. An appeal to the name of Jaimall, who fell defending Chitor against Akbar,[23] and the contrast of his ancestor’s loyalty and devotion with his own contumacy, acted as a talisman, and wrung tears from his eyes and the deed from his hand. It will afford some idea of the difficulties encountered, as well as the invidiousness of the task of arbitrating such matters, to give his own comment verbatim: "I remained faithful when his own kin deserted him, and was [491] one of four chiefs who alone of all Mewar fought for him in the rebellion; but the son of Jaimall is forgotten, while the ‘plunderer’ is his boon companion, and though of inferior rank, receives an estate which elevates him above me"; alluding to the chief of Badesar, who plundered the queen’s dower. But while the brave descendant of Jaimall returned to Badnor with the marks of his sovereign’s favour, and the applause of those he esteemed, the ‘runner’ went back to Badesar in disgrace, to which his prince’s injudicious favour further contributed.

Хамир из Бадесара. —Hamira of Badesar was of the second class of nobles, a Chondawat by birth. He succeeded to his father Sardar Singh, the assassin of the prime minister even in the palace of his sovereign;[24] into whose presence he had the audacity to pursue the surviving brother, destined to avenge him.[25] Hamira inherited all the turbulence and disaffection, with the estates, of his father; and this most conspicuous of the many lawless chieftains of the times was known throughout Rajasthan as Hamira ‘the runner’ (daurayat). Though not entitled to hold lands beyond thirty thousand annually, he had become possessed to the amount of eighty thousand, chiefly of the fisc or khalisa, and nearly all obtained by violence, though since confirmed by the prince’s patent. With the chieftain of Lawa (precisely in the same predicament), who held the fortress of Kheroda and other valuable lands, Hamira resided entirely at the palace, and obtaining the Rana’s ear by professions of obedience, kept possession, while chiefs in every respect his superiors had been compelled to surrender; and when at length the Saktawat of Lawa was forbid the court until Kheroda and all his usurpations were yielded up, the son of Sardar displayed his usual turbulence, ‘curled his moustache’ at the minister, and hinted at the fate of his predecessor. Although none dared to imitate him, his stubbornness was not without admirers, especially among his own clan; and as it was too evident that fear or favour swayed the Rana, it was a case for the Agent’s interference, the opportunity for which was soon afforded. When [492] forced to give letters of surrender, the Rana’s functionaries, who went to take possession, were insulted, refused admittance, and compelled to return. Not a moment could be lost in punishing this contempt of authority; and as the Rana was holding a court when the report arrived, the Agent requested an audience. He found the Rana and his chiefs assembled in ‘the balcony of the sun,’ and amongst them the notorious Hamira. After the usual compliments, the Agent asked the minister if his master had been put in possession of Syana. It was evident from the general constraint, that all were acquainted with the result of the deputation; but to remove responsibility from the minister, the Agent, addressing the Rana as if he were in ignorance of the insult, related the transaction, and observed that his government would hold him culpable if he remained at Udaipur while his highness’s commands were disregarded. Thus supported, the Rana resumed his dignity, and in forcible language signified to all present his anxious desire to do nothing which was harsh or ungracious; but that, thus compelled, he would not recede from what became him as their sovereign. Calling for a bira, he looked sternly at Hamira, and commanded him to quit his presence instantly, and the capital in an hour; and, but for the Agent’s interposition, he would have been banished the country. Confiscation of his whole estate was commanded, until renunciation was completed. He departed that night; and, contrary to expectation, not only were all the usurpations surrendered, but, what was scarcely contemplated by the Agent, the Rana’s flag of sequestration was quietly admitted into the fortress of Badesar.[26]

Дело Амли. —One more anecdote may suffice. The lands and fortress of Amli had been in the family of Amet since the year 27, only five years posterior to the date to which these arrangements extended; their possession verged on half a century. The lords of Amet were of the Sixteen, and were chiefs of the clan Jagawat. The present representative enjoyed a fair character: he could, with the chief of Badnor, claim the succession of the loyal; for Partap and Jaimall, their respective ancestors, were rivals and martyrs on that memorable day when the genius of Chitor abandoned the Sesodias. But the heir of Amet had not this alone [493] to support his claims; for his predecessor Partap had lost his life in defending his country against the Mahrattas, and Amli had been his acquisition. Fateh Singh (such was his name) was put forward by the more artful of his immediate kin, the Chondawat interest; but his disposition, blunt and impetuous, was little calculated to promote their views: he was an honest Rajput, who neither could nor cared to conceal his anger, and at a ceremonious visit paid him by the Agent, he had hardly sufficient control over himself to be courteous, and though he said nothing, his eyes, inflamed with opium and disdain, spoke his feelings. He maintained a dogged indifference, and was inaccessible to argument, till at length, following the example of Badnor, he was induced to abide by the Agent’s mediation. He came attended by his vassals, who anxiously awaited the result, which an unpremeditated incident facilitated. After a long and fruitless expostulation, he had taken refuge in an obstinate silence; and seated in a chair opposite to the envoy, with his shield in front, placed perpendicularly on his knees, and his arms and head reclined thereon, he continued vacantly looking on the ground. To interrupt this uncourteous silence in his own house, the envoy took a picture, which with several others was at hand, and placing it before him, remarked, "That chief did not gain his reputation for swamidharma[27] (loyalty) by conduct such as yours." His eyes suddenly recovered their animation and his countenance was lighted with a smile, as he rapidly uttered, “How did you come by this—why does this interest you?” A tear started in his eye as he added, "This is my father!"—“Yes,” said the Agent, "it is the loyal Partap on the day he went forth to meet his death; but his name yet lives, and a stranger does homage to his fame."—“Take Amli, take Amli,” he hurriedly repeated, with a suppressed tone of exultation and sorrow, “but forget not the extent of the sacrifice.” To prolong the visit would have been painful to both, but as it might have been trusting too much to humanity to delay the resumption, the Agent availed himself of the moment to indite the chhorchitthi[28] of surrender for the lands.

На этом примерах, характерных для отдельных лиц и эпохи, можно завершить данный очерк вводных мер по улучшению положения Мевара. Углубление в большие детали выходит за рамки целей этого труда, равно как и для понимания единства задачи не требуется более подробного анатомирования его частей. Однако прежде чем мы представим [494] общие результаты этих мероприятий, мы вернемся к положению более скромной, но важнейшей части общества — крестьянству Мевара, — и обобщим в нескольких замечаниях плоды наблюдений или расспросов об их прошлом и настоящем состоянии, их правах, их установлении, их ущемлении и восстановлении. По этому вопросу многое неизбежно было введено в очерк феодальной системы, где обсуждались земельные держания; но это тема, по которой существует такое разноречие мнений, что представляется желательным показать точное состояние земельных держаний в стране, где индусские нравы должны существовать в большей чистоте, чем в любой другой части обширного континента Индии.

ФАКСИМИЛЕ ТУЗЕМНОГО РИСУНКА ПАРТАБ СИНХА И РАЭМАЛЛА. Противололожно странице 572.

Земельная система. —The ryot (cultivator) is the proprietor of the soil in Mewar. He compares his right therein to the akshay duba,[29] which no vicissitudes can destroy. He calls the land his bapota, the most emphatic, the most ancient, the most cherished, and the most significant phrase his language commands for patrimonial[30] inheritance. He has nature and Manu in support of his claim, and can quote the text, alike compulsory on prince and peasant, “cultivated land is the property of him who cut away the wood, or who cleared and tilled it,”[31] an ordinance binding on the whole Hindu race, and which no international wars, or conquest, could overturn. In accordance with this principle is the ancient adage, not of Mewar only but all Rajputana, Bhog ra dhanni Raj ho: bhum ra dhanni ma cho: ‘the government is owner of the rent, but I am the master of the land.’ With the toleration and benevolence of the race the conqueror is commanded “to respect the deities adored by the conquered, also their virtuous priests, and to establish the laws of the conquered nation as declared in their books.”[32] If it were deemed desirable to recede to the system of pure Hindu agrarian law, there is no deficiency of materials. The customary laws contained in the various reports of able men, superadded to the general ordinances of Manu, would form a code at once simple and efficient: for though innovation from foreign conquest has placed many principles in abeyance, and modified others, yet he has observed to little purpose [495] who does not trace a uniformity of design, which at one time had ramified wherever the name of Hindu prevailed: language has been modified, and terms have been corrupted or changed, but the primary pervading principle is yet perceptible; and whether we examine the systems of Khandesh, the Carnatic, or Rajasthan, we shall discover the elements to be the same.

Если мы рассмотрим систему с периода, описанного Аррианом, Курцием и Диодором, то увидим в управлении поселками каждую общину как «imperium in imperio»; маленькую республику, сохраняющую свое муниципальное законодательство независимо от монархии, на которую она опирается в отношении общей поддержки и которой она платит бхог, или налог натурой, в качестве цены за эту защиту; ибо хотя предписанные обязанности королей определены Ману [33] столь же четко, сколь и любым юрисконсультом в Европе, ничто не может быть более расплывчатым, чем взаимные отношения управляемых и управляющих в индусских монархиях, которые сводятся к безграничной свободе действий. К искусственной регламентации общества, обрекающей всех зависящих от физического труда на неизменную деградацию, следует отнести эти многочисленные формы правления, неизвестные остальной части человечества, которые вопреки такому распаду сохраняют узы взаимных симпатий. Строго говоря, каждое государство представляет картину стольких сотен или тысяч мелких республик, не имеющих никакой связи друг с другом, отдающих преданность (ан) и ренту (бхог) князю, который не издает для них законов и даже не организует полицию для их внутренней защиты. Именно вследствие этого отсутствия высшего вмешательства в делах полиции, правосудия и закона общины действуют самостоятельно; и только из-за этого отсутствия отеческого вмешательства возникли те суды справедливости, или арбитража, панчаяты.

Но возвращаясь к крестьянину-собственнику (райоту) Мевара, чья бапота — это ватан и мирас полуострова — слова иноземного происхождения, привнесенные мусульманскими завоевателями; первое (персидское) более широко используется в Хандеше; другое (арабское) в Карнатике. Так, великий персидский моралист Саади иллюстрирует его применение: «Если вы желаете унаследовать отцовское достояние (мирас), сперва обретите его мудрость» [496].

В то время как термин бапота таким образом подразумевает наследство или отцовское имущество, его держатель, если он является военным вассалом, именуется бхумия — столь же сильный термин, означающий лицо, фактически отождествленное с землей (бхум), для которого у мусульман нет иного эквивалента, кроме притяжательного сложного слова ватандар или мирасдар. Каниатчи [34] Малабара — это бхумия Раджастана.

Императоры Дели на вершине своего могущества наделяли эпитетом заминдар индусских владетельных правителей: не из неуважения, а в истинном применении их собственного термина Бхумия Радж, выражающего их привязанность к земле; и этот факт дает дополнительное свидетельство того, что право собственности принадлежит культиватору (райоту), а именно что только он может передать свободное земельное владение, дающее право на титул бхумия, примеры чего нам предоставляют как прошлая история, так и современный обычай. Когда держание земли, полученное от земледельца, признается более действительным, чем пожалование суверена, это будет сочтено убедительным аргументом в пользу того, что право собственности принадлежит райоту. Что может побудить вождя, вступающего во владение вечным феодом, утвердить через райота право на несколько акров бхум, как не знание того, что, хотя превратности судьбы или милости могут лишить его совокупных сеньориальных прав, его притязания, проистекающие из добровольной милости общины, никогда не могут быть отвергнуты; и когда он перестает быть господином, он становится членом содружества, растворяя свой титул тхакура, или сеньора, в более скромном титуле бхумия, аллодиального арендатора раджпутской феодальной системы, обсуждаемой в другом месте. [35] Таким образом, мы коснулись метода, посредством которого он приобретает это отличие за защиту общины от насилия; и если он оказывается оставлен без попечения из-за небрежности или неспособности правительства, он наделяется правами короны на ее долю бхога или ренты. Но когда его собственная земля находится в положении, называемом галита, или возвратов в результате выморочности в пользу общины, он «вводится во владение» всеми правами прежнего собственника; или в силу внутренних договоренностей они могут передать такое право путем уступки общины.

Бхумия. —The privilege attached to the bhum,[36] and acquired from the community by the protection afforded to it, is the most powerful argument for the recognition of its original rights. The Bhumia, thus vested, may at pleasure drive his own plough [497], the right to the soil. His bhum is exempt from the jarib (measuring rod); it is never assessed, and his only sign of allegiance is a quit-rent, in most cases triennial, and the tax of kharlakar,[37] a war imposition, now commuted for money. The State, however, indirectly receives the services of these allodial tenants, the yeomen of Rajasthan, who constitute, as in the districts of Kumbhalmer and Mandalgarh, the landwehr, or local militia. In fact, since the days of universal repose set in, and the townships required no protection, an arrangement was made with the Bhumias of Mewar, in which the crown, foregoing its claim of quit-rent, has obtained their services in the garrisons and frontier stations of police at a very slight pecuniary sacrifice.

Таковы права и привилегии, проистекающие из одного лишь крестьянина-земледельца. Рана может лишить вождей Баднора или Салумбара их владений, являющихся пожалованием короны, — он не мог коснуться прав, происходящих из общины; и таким образом потомки вождя, который несколькими годами ранее мог следовать за своим государем во главе ста всадников, опускались до скромного пешего ополчения округа. Тысячи находятся в таком положении: канаваты, лунаваты, кумбхаваты и другие кланы, которые подобно кельтам не забывают о своих правах по рождению среди превратностей судьбы, но отстаивают свою близость как «братья в девятнадцатом или тридцатом колене по отношению к князю» на троне. Столь священным было держание, происходящее от райота, что даже монархи держали земли в бхум от своих подданных, примером чего мы обязаны великому поэту-историку последнего индусского короля. Чанд повествует, что когда его государь, чаухан, покорил царство Анхилвара [38] у соланки, он возвратил племяннику побежденного правителя несколько округов и портов и всю бхум, удерживаемую семьей. Короче говоря, раджпут хвастается своим аристократическим отличием, происходящим от земли, и противопоставляет титул «Бхумия Радж», или правление почвы, «Бания Раджу», или коммерческому правлению, которое он использует как уничижительный эпитет по отношению к Джайпуру: где «богатство накапливается, а люди чахнут».

В великом «реестре патентов» (патта бахи) Мевара мы находим разновидность [498] бхум, удерживаемую великими вассалами на определенных коронных землях; произошло ли это от неспособности выделить целые поселки для дополнения владения до ранга владельца или это было просто подтверждением пожалования общины, установить не удалось. Выгода от этой бхум носит чисто денежный характер, а титул называется «бхум ракхвали» [39] или земля [в обмен на] «охрану». Как ни странно, сама корона владеет «бхум ракхвали» на своих собственных фискальных доменах, состоящих из небольших участков в каждой деревне, на сумму до десяти тысяч рупий в округе из тридцати или сорока поселков. Однако эта разновидность настолько несообразна, что мы можем лишь констатировать ее существование: мы тщетно стали бы искать причину столь очевидной нелепости, ибо со времени расстройства общества оракулы хранят молчание относительно многого из архаичного обычая.

Права владельцев на землю. —We shall close these remarks with some illustrative traditions and yet existing customs, to substantiate the ryot’s right in the soil of Mewar. After one of those convulsions described in the annals, the prince had gone to espouse the daughter of the Raja of Mandor, the (then) capital of Marwar. It is customary at the moment of hathleva, or the junction of hands, that any request preferred by the bridegroom to the father of the bride should meet compliance, a usage which has yielded many fatal results; and the Rana had been prompted on this occasion to demand a body of ten thousand Jat cultivators to repeople the deserted fisc of Mewar. An assent was given to the unprecedented demand, but when the inhabitants were thus despotically called on to migrate, they denied the power and refused. “Shall we,” said they, "abandon the lands of our inheritance (bapota), the property of our children, to accompany a stranger into a foreign land, there to labour for him? Kill us you may, but never shall we relinquish our inalienable rights." The Mandor prince, who had trusted to this reply, deemed himself exonerated from his promise, and secured from the loss of so many subjects: but he was deceived. The Rana held out to them the enjoyment of the proprietary rights escheated to the crown in his country, with the lands left without occupants by the sword, and to all, increase of property. When equal and absolute power was thus conferred, they no longer hesitated to exchange the arid soil of Marwar for the garden of Rajwara; and the descendants of these Jats still occupy the flats watered by the Berach and Banas [499].

В тех округах, которые обеспечивали защиту от новаций, право собственности райота обнаруживается во всей своей силе; хорошим примером тому служит густонаселенный и обширный округ Джахазпур, состоящий из ста шести поселков. Во всем этом пространстве имеется лишь два земельных участка, являющихся собственностью короны, и те были приобретены силой во время оккупации Залим Сингха из Кота. Право, столь несправедливо приобретенное, по совести гражданского губернатора раны уже собиралось быть аннулировано путем продажи и возврата, когда двор вмешался, чтобы отстоять свое право собственности на водоемы Лохария и Итаунда и орошаемые ими земли, являющиеся ныне бхум раны. [40] Это послужит иллюстрацией того, как может приобре-таться бхум, а анналы Кота покажут, к несчастью для райотов той страны, почти полное уничтожение их прав посредством того же суммарного процесса, который первоначально присоединил Лохарию к фиску.

Поскольку способность к отчуждению тем самым доказана, было бы излишне далее настаивать на праве собственности возделывателя земли.

Права собственности на землю. —Besides the ability to alienate as demonstrated, all the overt symbols which mark the proprietary right in other countries are to be found in Mewar; that of entire conveyance by sale, or temporary by mortgage; and numerous instances could be adduced, especially of the latter. The fertile lands of Horla, along the banks of the Khari, are almost all mortgaged, and the registers of these transactions form two considerable volumes, in which great variety of deeds may be discovered: one extended for one hundred and one years;[41] when redemption was to follow, without regard to interest on the one hand; or the benefits from the land on the other, but merely by repayment of the sum borrowed. To maintain the interest during abeyance, it is generally stipulated that a certain portion of the harvest shall be reserved for the mortgagee—a fourth, a fifth, or gugri—a share so small as to be valued only as a mark of proprietary recognition.[42] The mortgagees were chiefly of the commercial classes of the large frontier towns; in [500] many cases the proprietor continues to cultivate for another the lands his ancestor mortgaged four or five generations ago, nor does he deem his right at all impaired. A plan had been sketched to raise money to redeem these mortgages, from whose complex operation the revenue was sure to suffer. No length of time or absence can affect the claim to the bapota, and so sacred is the right of absentees, that land will lay sterile and unproductive from the penalty which Manu denounces on all who interfere with their neighbour’s rights: “for unless there be an especial agreement between the owner of the land and the seed, the fruits belong clearly to the land-owner”; even “if seed conveyed by water or by wind should germinate, the plant belongs to the land-owner, the mere sower takes not the fruit.”[43] Even crime and the extreme sentence of the law will not alter succession to property, either to the military or cultivating vassal; and the old Kentish adage, probably introduced by the Jats from Scandinavia, who under Hengist established that kingdom of the heptarchy, namely:

The father to the bough,

And the son to the plough

практически понимается джатами и бхумиями [44] Мевара, чья измена не считается наследственной и чья цепь благородных деяний не разрушается из-за того, что выпало одно фальшивое звено. Мы говорим о военных вассалах — земледелец не может претендовать на столь достойное преступление, как измена.

Сельские должностные лица: пател. —The officers of the townships are the same as have been so often described, and are already too familiar to those interested in the subject to require illustration. From the Patel, the Cromwell of each township, to the village gossip, the ascetic Sannyasi, each deems his office, and the land he holds in virtue thereof in perpetuity, free of rent to the State, except a small triennial quit-rent,[45] and the liability, like every other branch of the State, to two war taxes.[46]

Мнения расходятся относительно происхождения и атрибутов патела — важнейшей фигуры в деревенском управлении, чья должность многими считается чуждой чистой индусской системе и чей титул даже чужд языку. Но нет сомнений в том, что и должность, и титул имеют древнее происхождение, и даже этимологическое правило доказывает, что пател — это глава (пати) общины. [47] Должность патела [501] Мевара изначально была выборной: он был «primus inter pares», назначенным поверенным или представителем общины, и как посредник между земледельцем и правительством получал выгоды от обоих. Помимо своей бапоты и серано, или одной сороковой части всего урожая от райота, он имел скидку в треть или четвертую часть ренты с тех дополнительных земель, которые он мог возделывать в дополнение к своему отцовскому достоянию. Таковы были пател, звено, связывающее крестьянина с правительством, до того как грабительская война подорвала весь порядок: но по мере того как росло хищничество, росла и его власть. Он стал полномочным представителем общины, поручителем за наложенную контрибуцию и часто заложником ее выплаты, оставаясь в лагере грабительских орд до тех пор, пока они не получали сполна выплату. Он с радостью брался за ликвидацию таких контрибуций, которые навязывали эти вечные захватчики. Чтобы возместить свои убытки, составлялась роспись доли каждого райота, за которой следовали залог земли и секвестр личного имущества, пока его алчность не была удовлетворена. Кто осмелился бы жаловаться на патела, наперсника патанских и маратхских командиров, его приемных покровителей? Таким образом, он стал хозяином своих сограждан и, поскольку власть развращает всех людей, их тираном вместо их посредника. Это была система, неизбежно влекущая собственный распад: какое-то время пресыщенная изобилием, но истощающаяся вместе с исчерпанием ресурсов и завершающаяся запустением, изгнанием и смертью. Не оставалось ничего для грабежа, кроме разоренного трупа; однако когда возвращался мир, а вслед за ним изгнанник-райот для возвращения бапоты, пател-вампир возрождался и проявлял то же стремление к верховенству и ту же алчность, которые столь существенно помогли превратить плодородный Мевар в пустыню. Соответственно, пател оказался одним из главных препятствий на пути к возвращающемуся процветанию; а попытка вернуть этого развращенного посредника к его исходному положению в обществе была одновременно и трудной, и опасной из-за поддержки, которую они встречали у коррумпированных чиновников при дворе и под воздействием прочих влияний «из-за кулис». Поскольку система сдачи коронных земель в аренду считалась наиболее целесообразной для продвижения процветания, было необходимо найти средство против этого зла. Одно имя некоторых из этих мелких тиранов внушало такой ужас, что подавляло всякое желание возвращения в страну; но поскольку происхождение установления этой должности и ее злоупотребления были выяснены, было повелительно необходимо, хотя и трудно, восстановить первое и изгнать второе. Поэтому первоначальное избирательное право во многих поселках было возвращено райоту, который выдвинул новых пателов [502], причем его выбор утверждался раной, в присутствии которого совершалось инвеститурное облачение путем повязывания тюрamana на избранного, за что тот преподносил свой назар. Следы продажи этих должностей в прошлые времена были заметны; и считалось первостепенно важным избегать любых подобных каналов для коррупции, дабы выборы райота не встречали никаких препятствий. В том, что этот план был полезен, не было сомнений; то, что польза будет постоянной, зависело, к сожалению, от обстоятельств, которыми самые ревностные не имели средств управлять: ибо следует помнить, что хотя «личная помощь и совет могли быть даны по требованию», всякое внутреннее вмешательство договором строго и вполне справедливо запрещалось.

После нескольких замечаний о способе взимания коронных рент мы завершим тему деревенского хозяйства в Меваре и приступим к завершению этой чрезмерно разросшейся главы результатами четырех лет мира и последовавшего за этим процветания.

Способы сбора ренты. —There are two methods of levying the revenues of the crown on every description of corn—kankut and batai, for on sugar-cane, poppy, oil, hemp, tobacco, cotton, indigo, and garden stuffs, a money payment is fixed, varying from two to six rupees per bigha. The kankut[48] is a conjectural assessment of the standing crop, by the united judgement of the officers of government, the Patel, the Patwari, or registrar, and the owner of the field. The accuracy with which an accustomed eye will determine the quantity of grain on a given surface is surprising: but should the owner deem the estimate overrated, he can insist on batai, or division of the corn after it is threshed; the most ancient and only infallible mode by which the dues either of the government or the husbandman can be ascertained. In the batai system the share of the government varies from one-third to two-fifths of the spring harvest, as wheat and barley; and sometimes even half, which is the invariable proportion of the autumnal crops. In either case, kankut or batai, when the shares are appropriated, those of the crown may be commuted to a money payment at the average rate of the market. The kut is the most liable to corruption. The ryot bribes the collector, who will underrate the crop; and when he betrays his duty, the shahnah, or watchman, is not likely to be honest: and as the makai, or Indian corn, the grand autumnal crop of Mewar, is eaten green, the crown may be defrauded of half its dues. The system is one of uncertainty, from which eventually the ryot derives no advantage, though it [503] fosters the cupidity of patels and collectors; but there was a barar, or tax, introduced to make up for this deficiency, which was in proportion to the quantity cultivated, and its amount at the mercy of the officers. Thus the ryot went to work with a mill-stone round his neck; instead of the exhilarating reflection that every hour’s additional labour was his own, he saw merely the advantage of these harpies, and contented himself with raising a scanty subsistence in a slovenly and indolent manner, by which he forfeited the ancient reputation of the Jat cultivator of Mewar.

Улучшение положения народа. —Notwithstanding these and various other drawbacks to the prosperity of the country, in an impoverished court, avaricious and corrupt officers, discontented Patels, and bad seasons, yet the final report in May 1822 could not but be gratifying when contrasted with that of February 1818. In order to ascertain the progressive improvement, a census had been made at the end of 1821, of the three central fiscal districts[49] watered by the Berach and Banas. As a specimen of the whole, we may take the tappa or subdivision of Sahara. Of its twenty-seven villages, six were inhabited in 1818, the number of families being three hundred and sixty-nine, three-fourths of whom belonged to the resumed town of Amli. In 1821 nine hundred and twenty-six families were reported, and every village of the twenty-seven was occupied, so that population had almost trebled. The number of ploughs was more than trebled, and cultivation quadrupled; and though this, from the causes described, was not above one-third of what real industry might have effected, the contrast was abundantly cheering. The same ratio of prosperity applied to the entire crown demesne of Mewar. By the recovery of Kumbhalmer, Raepur, Rajnagar, and Sadri-Kanera from the Mahrattas; of Jahazpur from Kotah; of the usurpations of the nobles; together with the resumption of all the estates of the females of his family, a task at once difficult and delicate;[50] and by the subjugation of the mountain districts of Merwara, a thousand towns and villages were united to form the fiscal demesne of the Rana, composing twenty-four districts of various magnitudes, divided, as in ancient times, and with the primitive [504] appellations, into portions tantamount to the tithings and hundreds of England, the division from time immemorial amongst the Hindus.[51] From these and the commercial duties[52] a revenue was derived sufficient for the comforts, and even the dignities of the prince and his court, and promising an annual increase in the ratio of good government: but profusion scattered all that industry and ingenuity could collect; the artificial wants of the prince perpetuated the real necessities of the peasant, and this, it is to be feared, will continue till the present generation shall sleep with their forefathers.

Abstract of the Fiscal Revenues of Mewar in the years

1818-19-20-21-22.

Spring harvest of 1818 Rs. 40,000

” 1819 451,281

” 1820 659,100

” 1821 1,018,478

” 1822 936,640 { The active superintendence of the British Agent being almost entirely withdrawn.

Abstract of Commercial Duties included in the above.

In 1818 Nominal

1819 Rs. 96,683

1820 165,108

1821 220,000

1822 217,000 { Farmed for three years, from 1822, for 750,000 rupees, which was assigned by the Rana for the liquidation of tribute fallen in arrear.

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