«Летописи и древности Раджастхана»

Башня Победы. —But there is a more durable [288] monument than this written record of victory: the triumphal pillar in Chitor, whose inscriptions detail the event, “when, shaking the earth, the lords of Gujarkhand and Malwa, with armies overwhelming as the ocean, invaded Medpat.” Eleven years after this event Kumbha laid the foundations of this column, which was completed in ten more: a period apparently too short to place “this ringlet on the brow of Chitor, which makes her look down upon Meru with derision.” We will leave it, with the aspiration that it may long continue a monument of the fortune of its founders.[4]

По-видимому, малвский царь впоследствии объединил свое оружие с армией Кумбхи, поскольку в победе, одержанной над имперскими войсками при Джунджуну, когда «он водрузил свое знамя в Хиссаре», войска Малвы действовали совместно с войсками Мевара. Имперская власть в этот период сильно упала: хутба читалась в мечетях от имени Тимура, а малвский царь в одиночку разгромил последнего гуридского султана Дели.

Крепости Мевара. —Of eighty-four fortresses for the defence of Mewar, thirty-two were erected by Kumbha. Inferior only to Chitor is that stupendous work called after him Kumbhalmer,[5] ‘the hill of Kumbha,’ from its natural position, and the works he raised, impregnable to a native army. These works were on the site of a more ancient fortress, of which the mountaineers long held possession. Tradition ascribes it to Samprati Raja, a Jain prince in the second century, and a descendant of Chandragupta;[6] and the ancient Jain temples appear to confirm the tradition. When Kumbha captured Nagor he brought away the gates, with the statue of the god Hanuman, who gives his name to the gate which he still guards. He also erected a citadel on a peak of Abu, within the fortress of the ancient Pramara, where he often resided. Its magazine and alarm-tower still bear Kumbha’s name; and in a rude temple the bronze effigies of Kumbha and his father still receive divine honours.[7] Centuries have passed since the princes of Mewar had influence here, but the incident marks the vivid remembrance of their condition. He fortified the passes between the western frontier and Abu, and erected the fort Vasanti near the present Sirohi, and that of Machin, to defend the Shero Nala and Deogarh against the Mers of Aravalli. He re-established Ahor and other smaller [289] forts to overawe the Bhumia[8] Bhil of Jharol and Panarwa, and defined the boundaries of Marwar and Mewar.

Храмы. —Besides these monuments of his genius, two consecrated to religion have survived: that of Kumbha Sham, on Abu, which, though worthy to attract notice elsewhere, is here eclipsed by a crowd of more interesting objects; the other, one of the largest edifices existing, cost upwards of a million sterling, towards which Kumbha contributed eighty thousand pounds. It is erected in the Sadri pass leading from the western descent of the highlands of Mewar, and is dedicated to Rishabhadeva.[9] Its secluded position has preserved it from bigoted fury, and its only visitants now are the wild beasts who take shelter in its sanctuary. Kumbha Rana was also a poet: but in a far more elevated strain than the troubadour princes, his neighbours, who contented themselves with rehearsing their own prowess or celebrating their lady’s beauty. He composed a tika, or appendix to the ‘Divine Melodies,’[10] in praise of Krishna. We can pass no judgment on these inspirations of the royal bard, as we are ignorant whether any are preserved in the records of the house: a point his descendant, who is deeply skilled in such lore, might probably answer.

Мира Баи. —Kumbha married a daughter of the Rathor of Merta, the first of the clans of Marwar. Mira Bai[11] was the most celebrated princess of her time for beauty and romantic piety. Her compositions were numerous, though better known to the worshippers of the Hindu Apollo than to the ribald bards. Some of her odes and hymns to the deity are preserved and admired. Whether she imbibed her poetic piety from her husband, or whether from her he caught the sympathy which produced the ‘sequel to the songs of Govinda,’ we cannot determine. Her history is a romance, and her excess of devotion at every shrine of the favourite deity with the fair of Hind, from the Yamuna to ‘the world’s end,’[12] gave rise to many [290] tales of scandal. Kumbha mixed gallantry with his warlike pursuits. He carried off the daughter of the chief of Jhalawar, who had been betrothed to the prince of Mandor: this renewed the old feud, and the Rathor made many attempts to redeem his affianced bride. His humiliation was insupportable, when through the purified atmosphere of the periodical rains “the towers of Kumbhalmer became visible from the castle of Mandor, and the light radiated from the chamber of the fair through the gloom of a night in Bhadon,[13] to the hall where he brooded o’er his sorrows.” It was surmised that this night-lamp was an understood signal of the Jhalani, who pined at the decree which ambition had dictated to her father, in consigning her to the more powerful rival of her affianced lord. The Rathor exhausted every resource to gain access to the fair, and had once nearly succeeded in a surprise by escalade, having cut his way in the night through the forest in the western and least guarded acclivity: but, as the bard equivocally remarks, "though he cut his way through the jhal (brushwood), he could not reach the Jhalani."

Убийство раны Кумбхи, 1468 г. н. э. —Kumbha had occupied the throne half a century; he had triumphed over the enemies of his race, fortified his country with strongholds, embellished it with temples, and with the superstructure of her fame had laid the foundation of his own—when, the year which should have been a jubilee was disgraced by the foulest blot in the annals; and his life, which nature was about to close, terminated by the poignard of an assassin—that assassin, his son!

Рана Уда, 1468–73 гг. н. э. —This happened in S. 1525 (A.D. 1469). Uda was the name of the parricide, whose unnatural ambition, and impatience to enjoy a short lustre of sovereignty, bereft of life the author of his existence. But such is the detestation which marks this unusual crime that, like that of the Venetian traitor, his name is left a blank in the annals, nor is Uda known but by the epithet Hatyara, ‘the murderer.’ Shunned by his kin, and compelled to look abroad for succour to maintain him on the throne polluted by his crime, Mewar in five years of illegitimate rule lost half the consequence which had cost so many to acquire. He made the Deora prince independent in Abu, and bestowed Sambhar, Ajmer, and adjacent districts on the prince of Jodhpur[14] as the price of his friendship. But, a prey to remorse, he felt that he [291] could neither claim regard from, nor place any dependence upon, these princes, though he bribed them with provinces. He humbled himself before the king of Delhi, offering him a daughter in marriage to obtain his sanction to his authority; “but heaven manifested its vengeance to prevent this additional iniquity, and preserve the house of Bappa Rawal from dishonour.” He had scarcely quitted the divan (diwankhana), on taking leave of the king, when a flash of lightning struck the Hatyara to the earth, whence he never arose.[15] The bards pass over this period cursorily, as one of their race was the instrument of Uda’s crime.

Изгнание чаранов. —There has always been a jealousy between the Mangtas, as they term all classes ‘who extend the palm,’ whether Brahmans, Yatis, Charans, or Bhats; but since Hamir, the Charan influence had far eclipsed the rest. A Brahman astrologer predicted Kumbha’s death through a Charan, and as the class had given other cause of offence, Kumbha banished the fraternity his dominions, resuming all their lands: a strong measure in those days, and which few would have had nerve to attempt or firmness to execute. The heir-apparent, Raemall, who was exiled to Idar for what his father deemed an impertinent curiosity,[16] had attached one of these bards to his suite, whose ingenuity got the edict set aside, and his race restored to their lands and the prince’s favour. Had they taken off the Brahman’s head, they might have falsified the prediction which unhappily was too soon fulfilled.[17]

Рана Раемалл, 1473–1508 гг. н. э. —Raemall succeeded in S. 1530 (A.D. 1474) by his own valour to the seat of Kumbha. He had fought and defeated the usurper, who on this occasion fled to the king of Delhi and offered him a daughter of Mewar. After his death in the manner described, the Delhi monarch, with Sahasmall [292] and Surajmall, sons of the parricide, invaded Mewar, encamping at Siarh, now Nathdwara. The chiefs were faithful to their legitimate prince, Raemall, and aided by his allies of Abu and Girnar, at the head of fifty-eight thousand horse and eleven thousand foot, he gave battle to the pretender and his imperial ally at Ghasa. The conflict was ferocious. ‘The streams ran blood,’ for the sons of the usurper were brave as lions; but the king was so completely routed that he never again entered Mewar.

Раемалл выдал одну дочь за Сурджи (яду), вождя Гирнара, а другую — за деору Джаймалла из Сирохи, закрепив за ним в качестве ее приданого титул на гору Абу. Он поддержал воинственную репутацию своих предшественников и вел бесконечную борьбу с Гиясу-д-дином Малвским, которого победил в нескольких генеральных сражениях, причем успехом во многом был обязан доблести своих племянников, которых он простил. В последнем из этих столкновений царь из династии Хилджи запросил мира, отказавшись от претензий, которые выдвигал ранее. [18] Династия Лоди следующей завладела имперской погремушкой, и с ней Мевару пришлось оспаривать свою северную границу.

Сыновья раны Раемалла. —Raemall had three sons, celebrated in the annals of Rajasthan: Sanga, the competitor of Babur, Prithiraj, the Rolando of his age, and Jaimall. Unhappily for the country and their father’s repose, fraternal affection was discarded for deadly hate, and their feuds and dissensions were a source of constant alarm. Had discord not disunited them, the reign of Raemall would have equalled any of his predecessors. As it was, it presented a striking contrast to them: his two elder sons banished; the first, Sanga, self-exiled from perpetual fear of his life, and Prithiraj, the second, from his turbulence; while the youngest, Jaimall, was slain through his intemperance. A sketch of these feuds will present a good picture of the Rajput character, and their mode of life when their arms were not required against their country’s foes.

Санга [19] и Притхвирадж были рождены царицей из клана джали; Джаймалл был от другой матери. О том, какое моральное влияние носившееся им имя оказало на Притхвираджа, мы можем судить лишь по его поступкам, которые не уступили бы поступкам его прототипа [293] — чаухана из Дели, — и по сей день являющимся утешением для сесодий. Когда они собираются на пир после дневной охоты или в знойный вечер расстилают ковер на террасе, чтобы вкусить дурманящий лист или выпить чашку кусумбхи, [20], рассказ о подвигах Притхвираджа, поведанный бардом, — это величайшее наслаждение, какое они могут испытать. Санга, наследник престола, представлял собой полную противоположность своему брату. Будучи столь же храбрым, он отличался мужеством, смягченным рассудительностью; в то время как Притхвирадж горел неуемной жаждой действия и часто повторял, что «судьба, должно быть, предназначила ему править Меваром». Трое братьев вместе со своим дядей Сураджмаллом однажды обсуждали эти темы, когда Санга заметил, что, хотя он и является наследником «десяти тысяч городов» Мевара, он готов отказаться от своих прав и довериться, подобно римским братьям, знамению, которое подаст жрица Чарани Деви в Нахра Магре, [21] на «Тигровой горе». Они отправились к ее жилищу. Притхвирадж и Джаймалл вошли первыми и уселись на циновку; Санга последовал за ними и занял шкуру пантеры пророчицы, а его дядя Сураджмалл опустился на нее одним колением. Едва Притхвирадж успел изложить цель их визита, как сивилла указала на пантеровую шкуру [22] как на решающее знамение верховной власти для Санги, с уделом для его дяди. Они приняли это предсказание так же, как римские близнецы. Притхвирадж обнажил меч и попытался бы опровергнуть знамение, если бы Сураджмалл не заслонил племянника и не принял на себя удар, предназначавшийся Санге, в то время как пророчица бежала от их гнева. Сураджмалл и Притхвирадж были изранены, а Санга бежал с пятью колотыми ранами и стрелой в глазу, которая навеки лишила его зрения. Он направился к святилищу Чатурбхуджа и, проходя мимо Сиванти, нашел приют у Биды (удавата), который как раз снаряжался в путь, и его скатерть и конь были готовы рядом. Едва тот помог раненому наследнику Мевара спешиться, как в погоню прискакал Джаймалл. Ратхор встал на защиту святилища и отдал жизнь, защищая своего гостя, который тем временем скрылся.

Уединение Санги. —Prithiraj recovered from his wounds; and Sanga, aware of his implacable enmity, had recourse to many expedients to avoid discovery. He, who at a future period leagued a hundred thousand men against the descendant of Timur, was compelled to associate with goat-herds, expelled the peasant’s abode as too stupid [294] to tend his cattle, and, precisely like our Alfred the Great, having in charge some cakes of flour, was reproached with being more desirous of eating than tending them. A few faithful Rajputs found him in this state, and, providing him with arms and a horse, they took service with Rao Karamchand, Pramar, chief of Srinagar,[23] and with him ‘ran the country.’ After one of these raids, Sanga one day alighted under a banian tree, and placing his dagger under his head, reposed, while two of his faithful Rajputs, whose names are preserved,[24] prepared his repast, their steeds grazing by them. A ray of the sun penetrating the foliage, fell on Sanga’s face, and discovered a snake, which, feeling the warmth, had uncoiled itself and was rearing its crest over the head of the exile:[25] a bird of omen[26] had perched itself on the crested serpent, and was chattering aloud. A goat-herd named Maru, ‘versed in the language of birds,’ passed at the moment Sanga awoke. The prince repelled the proffered homage of the goat-herd, who, however, had intimated to the Pramara chief that he was served by ‘royalty.’[27] The Pramara kept the secret, and gave Sanga a daughter to wife, and protection till the tragical end of his brother called him to the throne.

Похождения Притхвираджа. —When the Rana heard of the quarrel which had nearly deprived him of his heir, he banished Prithiraj, telling him that he might live on his bravery and maintain himself with strife. With but five horse[28] Prithiraj quitted the paternal abode, and made for Bali in Godwar. These dissensions following the disastrous conclusion of the last reign, paralysed the country, and the wild tribes of the west and the mountaineers of the Aravalli so little respected the garrison of Nadol (the chief town of Godwar), that they carried their depredations to the plains. Prithiraj halted at Nadol, and having to procure some necessaries pledged a ring to the merchant who had sold it to him; the merchant recognized the prince, and learning the cause of his disguise, proffered his services in the scheme which the prince had in view for the restoration of order in Godwar, being determined to evince to his father that he had resources independent of birth. The Minas were the aboriginal proprietors of all these regions; the Rajputs were interlopers and conquerors. A Rawat of this tribe had regained their ancient haunts, and held his petty court at the [295] town of Narlai in the plains, and was even served by Rajputs. By the advice of Ojha, the merchant, Prithiraj enlisted himself and his band among the adherents of the Mina. On the Aheria, or ‘hunter’s festival,’ the vassals have leave to rejoin their families. Prithiraj, who had also obtained leave, rapidly retraced his steps, and despatching his Rajputs to dislodge the Mina, awaited the result in ambush at the gate of the town. In a short time the Mina appeared on horseback, and in full flight to the mountains for security, Prithiraj pursued, overtook, and transfixed him with his lance to a kesula tree, and setting fire to the village, he slew the Minas as they sought to escape the flames. Other towns shared the same fate, and all the province of Godwar, with the exception of Desuri, a stronghold of the Madrecha Chauhans, fell into his power. At this time Sada Solanki, whose ancestor had escaped the destruction of Patan and found refuge in these mountainous tracts, held Sodhgarh. He had espoused a daughter of the Madrecha, but the grant of Desuri and its lands[29] in perpetuity easily gained him to the cause of Prithiraj.

Притхвирадж, наведя таким образом порядок в Годваре и назначив Оджху и Соланки управлять им, вернул доверие отца; а гибель его брата Джаймалла в это время ускорило его прощение и отзыв. Прежде чем он воссоединится с Раемаллом, мы расскажем о том, как произошло это событие. Джаймалл желал получить руку Тары Бай, дочери рао Суртхана, [30] изгнанного из Тоды патанами. Платой за ее руку было отвоевание этого удела; но Джаймалл, пожелав получить награду раньше времени и грубо попытавшись добиться свидания с красавицей, был убит разгневанным отцом. Остроумное замечание барда по поводу этого события гласит, что «Тара не была звездой (*tara*) его судьбы». В период этого происшествия Санга скрывался, Притхвирадж был изгнан, и, следовательно, на Джаймалла смотрели как на наследника Мевара. Рана, когда его подстрекали к мести, ответил с великодушием, которое заслуживает того, чтобы быть записанным: «Тот, кто посмел оскорбить честь отца, да еще отца в бедственном положении, с лихвой заслужил свою участь», и в доказательство своего отречения от такого сына он пожаловал соланкам округ Баднор.

Возвращение Притхвираджа. —This event led to the recall of Prithiraj, who eagerly took up the gage disgraced by his brother. The adventure was akin to his taste. The exploit which won the hand of the fair Amazon, who, equipped with bow and quiver, subsequently accompanied him in many perilous enterprises, will be elsewhere related.

Сураджмалл (дядя), который разжигал эти распри, решил не дать ложного свидетельства пророчице, если корона лежала у него на пути. Права, приобретенные от родителя-отцеубийцы, были возобновлены, когда в Меваре не осталось наследников мужского пола. Притхвирадж по возвращении возобновлял вражду с Сураджмаллом, чья «поторопившаяся амбиция» внушала ему, что корона — его судьба, и он с головой ушел в измену, чтобы заполучить ее. Он присоединился к замыслам Сарангдео, другого потомка раны Лахи, и оба они направились к Музаффару, султану Малвы. [31] С его помощью они напали на южную границу и быстро овладели Садри, Батаро и обширной полосой земли от Наи до Нимача, пытаясь захватить даже Читор. С теми немногими войсками, что были под рукой, Раемалл выступил наказать мятежников, которые встретили нападение на реке Гамбхир. [32] Рана, сражавшийся подобно простому воину, получил двадцать две раны и едва не пал от бессилия, когда к нему присоединился Притхвирадж с тысячей свежих конников и вдохнул новую жизнь в битву. Он выбрал своего дядею Сураджмалла, которого быстро покрыл ранами. Многие пали с обеих сторон, но ни одна из партий не хотела уступать; когда же они выбились из сил, то обоюдно отошли с поля боя и расположились лагерем на виду друг у друга.

Встреча между Притхвираджем и Сураджмаллом. —It will show the manners and feelings so peculiar to the Rajput, to describe the meeting between the rival uncle and nephew,—unique in the details of strife, perhaps, since the origin of man. It is taken from a MS. of the Jhala chief who succeeded Surajmall in Sadri. Prithiraj visited his uncle, whom he found in a small tent reclining on a pallet, having just had ‘the barber’ (nai) to sew up his wounds. He rose, and met his nephew with the customary respect, as if nothing unusual had occurred; but the exertion caused some of the wounds to open afresh, when the following dialogue ensued:

Притхвирадж. — «Ну что, дядя, как твои раны?»

Сураджмалл. — «Совсем зажили, дитя мое, с тех пор как имею удовольствие видеть тебя» [297].

Притхвирадж. — «Но, дядя (*кака*), я еще не видел Диванджи. [33] Я сначала побежал проведать вас, а я очень голоден; есть ли у вас что-нибудь поесть?»

Обед был подан незамедлительно, и эта необычная пара уселась вместе и «поела из одного блюда»; [34] и Притхвирадж не преминул отведать пан, [35], поданный ему при прощании.

Притхвирадж. — «Мы с вами закончим нашу битву утром, дядя».

Сураджмалл. — «Очень хорошо, дитя мое; приходи пораньше!»

Они встретились; но Сарангдео принял на себя всю тяжесть схватки, получив тридцать пять ран. В течение «четырех гхари [36] мечи и копья неутомимо разили, и каждое племя раджпутов понесло немалые потери в тот день»; но мятежники были разбиты и бежали в Садри, а Притхвирадж вернулся в триумфе в Читор, хотя и с семью ранами. Мятежники, однако, не оставили своих замыслов, и между дядей и племянником произошло еще немало стычек: последний заявлял, что не позволит ему оставить «столько земли Мевара, сколько покроет кончик иголки», а Суджа [37] возражал, что позволит племяннику вернуть лишь столько, «на чем хватит прилечь». Но Притхвирадж не давал им покоя, преследуя их повсюду. В диких местах Батары они соорудили укрепленный частоколом лагерь из деревьев дхао, [38] в изобилии растущих в этих лесах. Внутри этого убежища кони и люди перемешались; Суджа и его соратник совещались у ночного костра в своем отчаянном положении, как вдруг их раздумья были прерваны топотом и ржаньем лошадей. Едва самозванец успел воскликнуть: «Это, должно быть, мой племянник!», как Притхвирадж прорвал на своем коне баррикаду и ворвался внутрь со своими войсками. Началась всеобщая сумятица, и мечи без разбору сыпали удары. Молодой князь добрался до своего дяди и нанес ему удар, который поверг бы его наземь, если бы не поддержка Сарангдео, упрекнувшего его и добавившего, что «теперь одна затрещина дороже двух десятков ран в былые дни», на что Суджа ответил: «Только если она нанесена рукой моего племянника». Суджа потребовал переговоров и, призвав князя остановить бой, продолжил: «Если я буду убит, это неважно — мои дети раджпуты, они прочешут [298] страну в поисках поддержки; но если панесешь ты, что станет с Читором? Мое лицо будет очернено, а имя проклято навеки».

Меч был вложен в ножны, и когда дядя и племянник обнялись, последний спросил первого: «Что ты делал, дядя, когда я пришел?» — «Да так, болтал глупости после обеда, дитя мое». — «Но со мной у тебя над головой в качестве врага как ты мог быть так беспечен?» — «Что я мог поделать? Ты не оставил мне иного выхода, а мне нужно было где-то приклонить голову!» Возле частокола был небольшой храм, куда утром Притхвирадж попросил дядю сопроводить его для жертвоприношения Кали, [39] но раны прошлой ночи помешали ему сделать это. Сарангдеo был его заместителем. Один буйвол уже пал, и коза собиралась последовать за ним, когда князь обратил свой меч на Сарангдео. Бой был отчаянным, но победителем вышел Притхвирадж, и голова предателя была положена в качестве жертвы на алтарь Времени. Гаунда [40] была разграблена, город Батара отвоеван, а Суджа бежал в Садри, где остановился лишь затем, чтобы исполнить свою угрозу: «если он не сможет удержать эти земли, то передаст их тем, кто сильнее короля»; [41] и, раздав их брахманам и бардам, он окончательно покинул Мевар. Проходя через дикие места Канхала, [42] он получил знамение, напомнившее ему предсказание чарани: «волк напрасно пытался утащить козленок, защищаемый материнской любовью». Это было истолковано как «прочное основание для жилища». Он остановился, покорил местные племена и на этом месте возвел город и крепость Деолия, став владыкой тысячи деревень, которые перешли по наследству к его потомкам, владеющим ими и поныне под британской защитой. Таково было происхождение Партабгарха Деолии. [43]

Отравление Притхвираджа: смерть раны Раемалла. —Prithiraj was poisoned by his brother-in-law, of Abu, whom he had punished for maltreating his sister, and afterwards confided in. His death was soon followed by that of Rana Raemall, who, though not equal to his predecessors, was greatly respected, and maintained the dignity of his station amidst no ordinary calamities [299].[44]

ГЛАВА 9

Рана Санга, или Санграм Сингх, 1508–27 гг. н. э. — Санграм, более известный в летописях Мевара как Санга (называемый Санкой могольскими историками), [1] уследовал престол в 1565 г. Викрамы (1509 г. н. э.). При этом государе Мевар достиг вершины своего процветания. Употребляя их собственную метафору, «он был калашем [2] на вершине ее славы». От него мы станем свидетелями того, как эта слава идет на убыль; и хотя множество лучей великолепия озаряли ее закатный путь, они служили лишь для того, чтобы позолотить руины.

Императорский престол, с тех пор занимаемый потомком Панду из рода Туаров, а также первыми и последними из Чауханов, и который поочередно занимали династии Газни и Гхор, Хилджи и Лоди, теперь разлетелся на куски, и из его обломков были сооружены многочисленные мелкие троны. Мевар мало боялся этих императорских марионеток, «когда Амурат сменял Амурата» [3] и когда между Дели и Бенаресом одновременно правили четыре царя. Цари Малвы, даже будучи в союзе с правителями Гуджарата и примкнув к мятежникам, не могли оказать никакого влияния на Мевар, когда Санга вел за собой его героев. Восемьдесят тысяч конников, семь раджей высшего ранга, девять рао и сто четыре вождя, носящих титулы равала и равата, с пятьюстами боевыми слонами следовали за ним на поле боя. Князья Марвара и Амбера [4] платили ему дань, а рао Гвалиора, Аджмера, Сикри, Раесена, [5] Калпи, Чандери [300], Бунди, Гаграуна, Рампуры и Абу служили ему как данники или подчинялись ему непосредственно.

Санга не забыл тех, кто укрывал его в годы неудач. Карамчанд из Сринагара получил во владение Аджмер и титул рао для своего сына Джагмалла в награду за услуги при взятии Чандери.

Управление и войны раны Санги. —In a short space of time, Sanga entirely allayed the disorders occasioned by the intestine feuds of his family; and were it permitted to speculate on the cause which prompted a temporary cession of his rights and his dignities to his more impetuous brother, it might be discerned in a spirit of forecast, and of fraternal and patriotic forbearance, a deviation from which would have endangered the country as well as the safety of his family. We may assume this, in order to account for an otherwise pusillanimous surrender of his birthright, and being in contrast to all the subsequent heroism of his life, which, when he resigned, was contained within the wreck of a form. Sanga organized his forces, with which he always kept the field, and ere called to contend with the descendant of Timur, he had gained eighteen pitched battles against the kings of Delhi and Malwa. In two of these he was opposed by Ibrahim Lodi in person, at Bakrol and Ghatoli, in which last battle the imperial forces were defeated with great slaughter, leaving a prisoner of the blood royal to grace the triumph of Chitor. The Pilakhal (yellow rivulet) near Bayana became the northern boundary of Mewar, with the Sind River to the east,—touching Malwa to the south, while his native hills were an impenetrable barrier to the west. Thus swaying, directly or by control, the greater part of Rajasthan, and adored by the Rajputs for the possession of those qualities they hold in estimation, Sanga was ascending to the pinnacle of distinction; and had not fresh hordes of Usbeks and Tatars from the prolific shores of the Oxus and Jaxartes again poured down on the devoted plains of Hindustan, the crown of the Chakravartin[6] might again have encircled the brow of a Hindu, and the banner of supremacy been transferred from Indraprastha to the battlements of Chitor. But Babur arrived at a critical time to rally the dejected followers of the Koran, and to collect them around his own victorious standard.

Вторжения из Центральной Азии. —From the earliest recorded periods of her history, India has been the prey of [301] the more hardy population from the central regions of Asia. From this fact we may infer another, namely, that its internal form of government was the same as at the present day, partitioned into numerous petty kingdoms, of tribes and clans, of a feudal federation, a prey to all the jealousies inseparable from such a condition. The historians of Alexander bear ample testimony to such form of government, when the Panjab alone possessed many sovereigns, besides the democracies of cities. The Persians overran it, and Darius the Mede accounted India the richest of his satrapies. The Greeks, the Parthians have left in their medals the best proofs of their power; the Getae or Yuti followed; and from the Ghori Shihabu-d-din to the Chagatai Babur, in less than three centuries, five invasions are recorded, each originating a dynasty. Sanga’s opponent was the last, and will continue so until the rays of knowledge renovate the ancient nursery of the human race,—then may end the anomaly in the history of power, of a handful of Britons holding the succession to the Mede, the Parthian, and the Tatar. But, however surprise may be excited at witnessing such rapidity of change, from the physical superiority of man over man, it is immeasurably heightened at the little moral consequence which in every other region of the world has always attended such concussions. Creeds have changed, races have mingled, and names have been effaced from the page of history; but in this corner of civilization we have no such result, and the Rajput remains the same singular being, concentrated in his prejudices, political and moral, as in the days of Alexander, desiring no change himself, and still less to cause any in others. Whatever be the conservative principle, it merits a philosophic analysis; but more, a proper application and direction, by those to whom the destinies of this portion of the globe are confided; for in this remote spot there is a nucleus of energy, on which may accumulate a mass for our support or our destruction.

Возвращаясь к прерванному: потомок турушков из долины Сырдарьи (Яксарта), древний враг детей Сурьи и Чандры, был призван исполнить пророческое Пурану, предсказавшее владычество «турушкам, яванам» и другим иноземным племенам в Индии; и покоренные сделали правильный вывод о термине «турок», как в отношении его древнего, так и современного значения, когда он применялся к завоевателям из Туркестана. Бабур, противник Санги, был царем Ферганы и тюркского происхождения. Его владения простирались по обе стороны Яксарта, в части древнего [302] Сакатая, или Сакадвипы (Скифии), где обитала массагетская царица Томирис, увековеченная Геродотом, и где ее противник возвел Кирополь, подобно тому как впоследствии македонянец возвел свою самую отдаленную Александрию. Из этого же региона те же геты, джаты или юти двинулись на разрушение Бактрии за два столетия до нашей эры, а также спустя пять веков после нее, чтобы основать царство в Северной Индии. Снова, тысячу лет спустя, Бабур со своими бандами выступил для окончательного покорения Индии. Рассматривая ее исключительно в контексте влияния на Индию, эта часть земного шара заслуживает глубокого внимания; но как *officina gentium*, откуда вышли те орды асиев, джатов или ютов (частью которых были англы), заселившие берега Балтийского моря, и предтечи тех готов, которые при Аттиле и Аларихе изменили состояние Европы, ее значение возрастает многократно. [7] Но в данном случае потомка Тимура и Чингисхана заставил покинуть берега Яксарта и устремиться к Гангу не избыток населения, а безуспешное честолюбие: ибо Бабур покинул прелести Самарканда как беглец и начал свое предприятие, принесшее ему трон Панду, с менее чем двумя тысячами приверженцев.

Характер Бабура. —The Rajput prince had a worthy antagonist in the king of Ferghana. Like Sanga, he was trained in the school of adversity, and like him, though his acts of personal heroism were even romantic, he tempered it with that discretion which looks to its results. In A.D. 1494, at the tender age of twelve, he succeeded to a kingdom; ere he was sixteen he defeated several confederacies and conquered Samarkand, and in two short years again lost and regained it. His life was a tissue of successes and reverses; at one moment hailed lord of the chief kingdoms of Transoxiana; at another flying, unattended, or putting all to hazard in desperate single combats, in one of which he slew five champions of his enemies. Driven at length from Ferghana, in despair he crossed the Hindu-Kush, and in 1519 the Indus. Between the Panjab and Kabul he lingered seven years, ere he advanced to measure his sword with Ibrahim of Delhi. Fortune returned to his standard; Ibrahim was slain, his army routed and dispersed, and Delhi and Agra opened their gates to the fugitive king of Ferghana. His reflections on success evince it was his due: “Not to me, O God! but to thee, be the victory!” says the chivalrous Babur. A year had elapsed in possession of Delhi, ere he ventured against the most powerful of his antagonists, Rana Sanga of Chitor.

РУИНЫ КРЕПОСТИ БАЙАНА. Страница 352.

При всех достоинствах Бабура как воина, опиравшегося на закаленные кланы «облачных гор» (*Белут-Таг*) Каратегина, [8] [303] было множество шансов на то, что он и его люди закончат свой путь у «желтого ручейка» Баяны. Ни храбрость, ни мастерство не спасли бы его от этой участи, которую он, судя по всему, предвидел. Какое еще нужно доказательство, кроме собственного свидетельства Бабура о том, что орда захватчиков с Яксарта, не имея поддержки или отступления, была вынуждена намертво окопаться перед лицом своего врага-раджпута, одинаково храброго и превосходящего численностью? Своим спасением от гибели вместо обретения короны он был обязан древним распрям противников, а также тому, что сумел выпутаться из столь отчаянного положения, когда даже религиозное безумие, делавшее смерть мученичеством в «этой священной войне», едва помогало изгнать отчаяние, настолько поразившее его последователей, что в горечи сердца он говорил, будто «не нашлось ни единого человека, сказавшего мужественное слово, ни единого индивида, высказавшего смелое мнение».

Битва при Кхануе, 16 марта 1527 года. —Babur advanced from Agra and Sikri to oppose Rana Sanga, in full march to attack him at the head of almost all the princes of Rajasthan. Although the annals state some points which the imperial historian has not recorded, yet both accounts of the conflict correspond in all the essential details. On the 5th of Kartik, S. 1584[9] (A.D. 1528), according to the annals, the Rana raised the siege of Bayana, and at Khanua encountered the advanced guard of the Tatars, amounting to fifteen hundred men, which was entirely destroyed; the fugitives carrying to the main body the accounts of the disaster, which paralysed their energies, and made them entrench for security, instead of advancing with the confidence of victory. Reinforcements met the same fate, and were pursued to the camp. Accustomed to reverses, Babur met the check without dismay, and adopted every precaution [304] that a mind fertile in expedients could suggest to reassure the drooping spirits of his troops. He threw up entrenchments, in which he placed his artillery, connecting his guns by chains, and in the more exposed parts chevaux de frise, united by leather ropes: a precaution continued in every subsequent change of position. Everything seemed to aid the Hindu cause: even the Tatar astrologer asserted that as Mars was in the west, whoever should engage coming from the opposite quarter should be defeated. In this state of total inactivity, blockaded in his encampment, Babur remained near a fortnight, when he determined to renounce his besetting sin, and merit superior aid to extricate himself from his peril: the naïveté of his vow must be given in his own words.[10] But the destruction of the wine flasks would appear only to have added to the existing consternation, and made him, as a last resort, appeal to their faith. Having addressed them in a speech of [305] manly courage, though bordering on despair, he seized the happy moment that his exhortation elicited, to swear them on the Koran to conquer or perish.[11] Profiting by this excitement, he broke up his camp, to which he had been confined nearly a month, and marched in order of battle to a position two miles in advance, the Rajputs skirmishing up to his guns. Without a regular circumvallation, his movable pallisadoes and guns chained, he felt no security. The inactivity of Sanga can scarcely escape censure, however we may incline to palliate it by supposing that he deemed his enemy in the toils, and that every day’s delay brought with it increased danger to him. Such reasoning would be valid, if the heterogeneous mass by which the prince of Mewar was surrounded had owned the same patriotic sentiments as himself: but he ought to have known his countrymen, nor overlooked the regulating maxim of their ambition, get land. Delay was fatal to this last coalition against the foes of his race. Babur is silent on the point to which the annals ascribe their discomfiture, a negotiation pending his blockade at Khanua; but these have preserved it, with the name of the traitor who sold the cause of his country. The negotiation[12] had reached this point, that on condition of Babur being left Delhi and its dependencies, the Pilakhal at Bayana should be the boundary of their respective dominions, and even an annual tribute was offered to the Rana [306]. We can believe that in the position Babur then was, he would not scruple to promise anything. The chief of Raesen, by name Salehdi, of the Tuar tribe, was the medium of communication, and though the arrangement was negatived, treason had effected the salvation of Babur.

16 марта нападение началось с яростного натиска на центр и правый фланг татар, и в течение нескольких часов сражение носило ожесточенный характер. Преданность делу никогда еще не проявлялась с такой силой со стороны раджпутов, о чем свидетельствует длинный список благородных имен среди павших, а также донесение их врага, чья артиллерия учинила страшную опустошительную бойню в сомкнутых рядах раджпутской конницы, которая не могла прорваться через укрепления и добраться до защищавшей их пехоты. Пока исход битвы оставался неясным, предатель из туаров, возглавлявший авангард (*харовал*), перешел на сторону Бабура, и Санге пришлось отступить с поля боя, сулившего в начале славную победу; сам он был тяжело ранен, а лучшие из его вождей убиты: равал Удаи Сингх [13] из Дунгарпура с двумястами сородичами своего клана; Ратна из Салумбара с тремястами сородичами-чондаватами; Раемалл Ратхор, сын правителя Марвара, с храбрыми вождями мертиа Кхетси и Ратной; Рамдас сонигира рао; Уджа джала; Гокулдас прамар; Маникчанд и Чандрбхан, вожди чауханов первого ранга в Меваре; не говоря уже о множестве менее известных имен. [14] Хасан Хан из Мевата и сын последнего лодийского царя Дели, объединившиеся с Сангой, также оказались среди погибших. [15] Из голов убитых были сложены триумфальные пирамиды, а на холмике, возвышавшемся над полем битвы, была сооружена башня из черепов; и победитель принял титул *гази*, который с тех пор сохраняется за его потомками.

Смерть раны Санги. —Sanga retreated towards the hills of Mewat, having announced his fixed determination never to re-enter Chitor but with victory. Had his life been spared to his country, he might have redeemed the pledge; but the year of his defeat was the last of his existence, and he died at Baswa,[16] on the frontier of Mewat, not without suspicion of poison. It is painful to record the surmise that his ministers prompted the deed, and the cause is one which would fix a deep stain on the country; namely, the purchase by regicide of inglorious ease and stipulated safety, in [307] preference to privations and dangers, and to emulating the manly constancy of their prince, who resolved to make the heavens his canopy till his foe was crushed—a determination which was pursued with the most resolute perseverance by some of his gallant successors.

Беды, проистекающие из полигамии. —Polygamy is the fertile source of evil, moral as well as physical, in the East. It is a relic of barbarism and primeval necessity, affording a proof that ancient Asia is still young in knowledge. The desire of each wife,[17] that her offspring should wear a crown, is natural; but they do not always wait the course of nature for the attainment of their wishes, and the love of power too often furnishes instruments for any deed, however base. When we see, shortly after the death of Sanga, the mother of his second son intriguing with Babur, and bribing him with the surrender of Ranthambhor and the trophy of victory, the crown of the Malwa king, to supplant the lawful heir, we can easily suppose she would not have scrupled to remove any other bar. On this occasion, however, the suspicion rests on the ministers alone. That Babur respected and dreaded his foe we have the best proof in his not risking another battle with him; and the blame which he bestows on himself for the slackness of his pursuit after victory is honourable to Sanga, who is always mentioned with respect in the commentaries of the conqueror: and although he generally styles him the Pagan, and dignifies the contest with the title of “the holy war,” yet he freely acknowledges his merit when he says, “Rana Sanga attained his present high eminence by his own valour and his sword.”

Внешность раны Санги. —Sanga Rana was of the middle stature, but of great muscular strength; fair in complexion, with unusually large eyes, which appear to be peculiar to his descendants.[18] He exhibited at his death but the fragments of a warrior: one eye was lost in the broil with his brother; an arm in an action with the Lodi king of Delhi, and he was a cripple owing to a limb being broken by a cannon-ball in another [308]; while he counted eighty wounds from the sword or the lance on various parts of his body. He was celebrated for energetic enterprise, of which his capture of Muzaffar, king of Malwa, in his own capital, is a celebrated instance; and his successful storm of the almost impregnable Ranthambhor, though ably defended by the imperial general Ali, gained him great renown. He erected a small palace at Khanua, on the line which he determined should be the northern limit of Mewar; and had he been succeeded by a prince possessed of his foresight and judgment, Babur’s descendants might not have retained the sovereignty of India. A cenotaph long marked the spot where the fire consumed the remains of this celebrated prince. Sanga had seven sons, of whom the two elder died in non-age. He was succeeded by the third son,

Рана Ратан Сингх II, 1527–31 гг. н. э. —Ratna (S. 1586, A.D. 1530) possessed all the arrogance and martial virtue of his race. Like his father, he determined to make the field his capital, and commanded that the gates of Chitor never should be closed, boasting that “its portals were Delhi and Mandu.” Had he been spared to temper by experience the exuberance of youthful impetuosity, he would have well seconded the resolution of his father, and the league against the enemies of his country and faith. But he was not destined to pass the age always dangerous to the turbulent and impatient Rajput, ever courting strife if it would not find him. He had married by stealth the daughter of Prithiraj of Amber, probably before the death of his elder brothers made him heir to Chitor. His double-edged sword, the proxy of the Rajput cavalier, represented Ratna on this occasion.[19] Unfortunately it was kept but too secret; for the Hara prince of Bundi,[20] in ignorance of the fact, demanded and obtained her to wife, and carried her to his capital. The consequences are attributable to the Rana alone, for he ought, on coming to the throne, to have espoused her; but his vanity was flattered at the mysterious transaction, which he deemed would prevent all application for the hand of his ‘affianced’ (manga). The bards of Bundi are rather pleased to record the power of their princes, who dared to solicit and obtain the hand of the ‘bride’ of Chitor. The princes of Bundi had long been attached to the Sesodia house: and from the period when their common ancestors fought together on the banks of the Ghaggar against [309] Shihabu-d-din, they had silently grown to power under the wing of Mewar, and often proved a strong plume in her pinion. The Hara inhabited the hilly tract on her eastern frontier, and though not actually incorporated with Mewar, they yet paid homage to her princes, bore her ensigns and titles, and in return often poured forth their blood. But at the tribunal of Ananga,[21] the Rajput scattered all other homage and allegiance to the winds. The maiden of Amber saw no necessity for disclosing her secret or refusing the brave Hara, of whom fame spoke loudly, when Ratna delayed to redeem his proxy.

Смерть раны Ратан Сингха. —The unintentional offence sank deep into the heart of the Rana, and though he was closely connected with the Hara, having married his sister, he brooded on the means of revenge, in the attainment of which he sacrificed his own life as well as that of his rival. The festival of the Aheria[22] (the spring hunt), which has thrice been fatal to the princes of Mewar, gave the occasion, when they fell by each other’s weapons. Though Ratna enjoyed the dignity only five years, he had the satisfaction to see the ex-king of Ferghana, now founder of the Mogul dynasty of India, leave the scene before him, and without the diminution of an acre of land to Mewar since the fatal day of Bayana. Rana Ratna was succeeded by his brother,

Рана Викрамаджит, 1531–35 гг. н. э. —Bikramajit,[23] in S. 1591 (A.D. 1535). This prince had all the turbulence, without the redeeming qualities of character, which endeared his brother to his subjects; he was insolent, passionate, and vindictive, and utterly regardless of that respect which his proud nobles rigidly exacted. Instead of appearing at their head, he passed his time amongst wrestlers and prize-fighters, on whom and a multitude of ‘paiks,’ or foot soldiers, he lavished those gifts and that approbation, to which the aristocratic Rajput, the equestrian order of Rajasthan, arrogated exclusive right. In this innovation he probably imitated his foes, who had learned the superiority of infantry, despised by the Rajput, who, except in sieges, or when ‘they spread the carpet and hamstrung their steeds,’ held the foot-soldier very cheap. The use of artillery was now becoming general, and the [310] Muslims soon perceived the necessity of foot for their protection: but prejudice operated longer upon the Rajput, who still curses ‘those vile guns,’ which render of comparatively little value the lance of many a gallant soldier; and he still prefers falling with dignity from his steed to descending to an equality with his mercenary antagonist.

Открытый раскол стал следствием подобного новаторства, и (если использовать образное выражение для обозначения беззакония) восторжествовал «папа-бай-ка-радж» [24]; полиция презиралась, горцы угоняли скот прямо из-под стен Читора, а когда его всадникам отдавали приказ начать преследование, ране насмешливо советовали послать своих пайков.

Нападение Бахадура, султана Гуджарата. —Bahadur, sultan of Gujarat, determined to take advantage of the Rajput divisions, to revenge the disgrace of the defeat and captivity of his predecessor Muzaffar.[25] Reinforced by the troops of Mandu, he marched against the Rana, then encamped at Loicha, in the Bundi territory. Though the force was overwhelming, yet with the high courage which belonged to his house, Bikramajit did not hesitate to give battle; but he found weak defenders in his mercenary paiks, while his vassals and kin not only kept aloof, but marched off in a body to defend Chitor, and the posthumous son of Sanga Rana, still an infant.

Есть нечто священное в самом имени Читор, которое с самых ранних времен защищало его защитников; и теперь, когда ему снова угрожает «варвар», — таков необъяснимый характер раджпута, — мы видим, как наследник Сураджмалла покидает свою новую столицу Деолию, чтобы пролить те немногие капли, что еще циркулируют в его венах, на защиту обители своих предков.

«Сын Бунди» с храбрым отрядом из пятисот харов также прибыл туда, как и сонигира и деора рао из Джалора и Абу вместе со множеством вспомогательных сил со всей Раджвары. Это было самое мощное усилие, предпринятое доселе султанами Центральной Индии, и в этих [311] летописях зафиксировано участие европейских артиллеристов, [26] привлеченных к покорению Читора. Инженер именуется «Лабри-ханом из Фрингана», и своим успехом в последовавшем штурме Бахадур был обязан именно его мастерству. Он подорвал мину у «скалы Бики», которая разнесла сорок пять локтей крепостного вала вместе с бастионом, где держали оборону храбрые хары. Барды Бунди подробно описывают этот инцидент, в результате которого погибли их князь и пятьсот его сородичей. Рао Дурга вместе с вождями-чондаватами Сатой и Дуду и их вассалами храбро защищал брешь и отразил множество атак; а в пример мужественной преданности царица-мать Джавахир Бай из рода ратхоров, облаченная в доспехи, возглавила вылазку, в которой была убита. Тем не менее осаждающие завоевывали все новые позиции, и последним созванным советом было решено выработать средства для спасения малолетнего сына Санги от этой неминуемой опасности.

Коронация нового раны. —But Chitor can only be defended by royalty, and again they had recourse to the expedient of crowning a king, as a sacrifice to the dignity of the protecting deity of Chitor. Baghji, prince of Deolia, courted the insignia of destruction; the banner of Mewar floated over him, and the golden sun from its sable field never shone more refulgent than when the changi[27] was raised amidst the shouts of her defenders over the head of the son of Surajmall.

Джохар. —The infant, Udai Singh, was placed in safety with Surthan, prince of Bundi,[28] the garrison put on their saffron robes, while materials for the johar were preparing. There was little time for the pyre. The bravest had fallen in defending the breach, now completely exposed. Combustibles were quickly heaped up in reservoirs and magazines excavated in the rock, under which gunpowder was strewed. Karnavati, mother of the prince, and sister to the gallant Arjun Hara, led the procession of willing victims to their doom, and thirteen thousand females were thus swept at once from the record of life. The gates were thrown open, and the Deolia chief, at the head of the survivors, with a blind and impotent despair, rushed on his fate [312].

Бахадур, должно быть, был потрясен страшным зрелищем, когда увидел свое завоевание: [29] изуродованные тела убитых и сотни тех, кто в предсмертных муках от кинжала или яда ожидал смерти как меньшего зла, чем бесчестие и плен. [30] Выражаясь выразительными словами летописца, «настал последний день Читора». Каждый клан потерял своего вождя и лучших воинов; во время осады и штурма были убиты тридцать две тысячи раджпутов. Это второй *сакха* Читора.

Бахадур оставался там всего две недели, когда медленное продвижение Хумаюна с подкреплениями заставило его отступить. [31] Согласно летописям, он покинул Бенгалию по просьбе царицы Карнавати; но вместо того, чтобы преследовать отягощенного добычей врага, он затеял педантичную словесную войну с Бахадуром, играя словами на тему созвучия со словом «Читор». Если бы Хумаюн не находился так далеко, этой катастрофы удалось бы избежать, ибо он был связан законами рыцарства, обязательства перед которыми признавал, защищать дело царицы, чьим рыцарем он стал. Рассказ об особенности обычая, аналогичного вкусам рыцарской эпохи Европы, может позабавить. Когда ее амазонка-сестра, царица из ратхоров, была убита, мать малолетнего принца избрала более верный способ оградить его, потребовав выполнения обещания, данного Хумаюном, когда она отправила тому монарху ракхи.

Ракхи. —‘The festival of the bracelet’ (Rakhi) is in spring, and whatever its origin, it is one of the few when an intercourse of gallantry of the most delicate nature is established between the fair sex and the cavaliers of Rajasthan. Though the bracelet may be sent by maidens, it is only on occasions of urgent necessity or danger. The Rajput dame bestows with the Rakhi the title of adopted brother; and while its acceptance secures to her all the protection of a cavalière servente, scandal itself never suggests any other tie to his devotion. He may hazard his life in her cause, and yet never receive a smile in reward, for he cannot even see the fair object who, as brother of her adoption, has constituted him her defender. But there is a charm in the mystery of such connexion, never endangered by close observation, and the loyal to the fair may well attach a value [313] to the public recognition of being the Rakhi-band Bhai, the ‘bracelet-bound brother’ of a princess. The intrinsic value of such pledge is never looked to, nor is it requisite it should be costly, though it varies with the means and rank of the donor, and may be of flock silk and spangles, or gold chains and gems. The acceptance of the pledge and its return is by the kachhli, or corset, of simple silk or satin, of gold brocade and pearls. In shape or application there is nothing similar in Europe, and as defending the most delicate part of the structure of the fair, it is peculiarly appropriate as an emblem of devotion. A whole province has often accompanied the Kachhli, and the monarch of India was so pleased with this courteous delicacy in the customs of Rajasthan, on receiving the bracelet of the princess Karnavati, which invested him with the title of her brother, and uncle and protector to her infant Udai Singh, that he pledged himself to her service, “even if the demand were the castle of Ranthambhor.” Humayun proved himself a true knight, and even abandoned his conquests in Bengal when called on to redeem his pledge and succour Chitor, and the widows and minor sons of Sanga Rana.[32] Humayun had the highest proofs of the worth of those courting his protection; he was with his father Babur in all his wars in India, and at the battle of Bayana his prowess was conspicuous, and is recorded by Babur’s own pen. He amply fulfilled his pledge, expelled the foe from Chitor, took Mandu by assault, and, as some revenge for her king’s aiding the king of Gujarat, he sent for the Rana Bikramajit, whom, following their own notions of investiture, he girt with a sword in the captured citadel of his foe.[33]

Мусульманские историки, незнакомые с их обычаями или тайными мотивами, заставившими императора покинуть Бенгалию, приписывают это просьбам раны; но мы можем доверять летописям, которые созвучны рыцарским представлениям раджпутов, разделявшимся с восторгом и последующими монархами — великим Акбаром, его сыном [314] Джахангиром и Шах-Джаханом, и даже Аурангзебом, два подлинных письма которого к царице-матери Удайпура хранятся ныне у автора и примечательны своей элегантностью и чистотой слога, будучи сформулированы в выражениях, полностью соответствующих раджпутской деликатности. [34]

Возвращение Викрамаджита. —Bikramajit, thus restored to his capital, had gained nothing by adversity; or, to employ the words of the annalist, “experience had yielded no wisdom.” He renewed all his former insolence to his chiefs, and so entirely threw aside his own dignity, and, what is of still greater consequence, the reverence universally shown to old age, as to strike in open court Karamchand of Ajmer, the protector of his father Sanga in his misfortunes. The assembly rose with one accord at this indignity to their order; and as they retired, the Chondawat leader Kanji, the first of the nobles, exclaimed, “Hitherto, brother chiefs, we have had but a smell of the blossom, but now we shall be obliged to eat the fruit”; to which the insulted Pramara added, as he hastily retired, “To-morrow its flavour will be known.”