«История патентно-медицинского бизнеса Комстока и пиллюль индийского корня доктора Морза»

ИСТОРИЯ И СУДЬБА БИЗНЕСА КОМСТОКОВ ПО ПРОИЗВОДСТВУ ПАТЕНТНЫХ ЛЕКАРСТВ И ПИЛЛЮЕЛЬ ИНДИЙСКОГО КОРНЯ ДОКТОРА МОРЗА

BY

Robert B. Shaw

Associate Professor, Accounting and History

Clarkson College of Technology

Potsdam, N.Y.

SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY NUMBER 22

ОБЛОЖКА: Изменение методов упаковки средств Комстоков с течением лет. — Внизу слева: Оригинальная упаковка пиллюль индийского корня в овальных коробках из шпона. Внизу по центру: Стеклянные бутылки, картонные и жестяные коробки. Внизу справа: Современная упаковка в последние годы производства внутри страны. Вверху слева: Пиллюли индийского корня в том виде, в каком они до сих пор упаковываются и распространяются в Австралии. Вверху по центру: Пиллюли для укрепления крови Electric Blood Builder доктора Говарда. Вверху справа: Убойные пеллеты от глистов Dead Shot компании Comstock.

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Библиотека Конгресса: данные каталогизации в публикациях Шоу, Роберт Б., 1916— История бизнеса Комстоков по производству патентных лекарств и пиллюль индийского корня доктора Морза. (Исследования Смитсоновского института по истории и технологии, № 22) Библиография: с. 1. Comstock (W.H.) Company. I. Название. II. Серия: Смитсоновский институт. Исследования Смитсоновского института по истории и технологии, № 22. HD9666.9.C62S46 338.7'6'615886 76 39864

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Official publication date is handstamped in a limited number of initial copies and is recorded in the Institution's annual report, Smithsonian Year.

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402—Price 65 cents (paper cover) Stock Number 4700-0204

Comstock Family Tree

История бизнеса Комстоков по производству патентных лекарств и пиллюль индийского корня доктора Морза

Почти целый век заметной достопримечательностью небольшого прибрежного селения Морристаун на севере штата Нью-Йорк была фабрика W.H. Comstock, более известная как родина знаменитых пиллюль индийского корня доктора Морза. По меркам современной промышленности этот бизнес никогда не перерастал в крупное предприятие, и среди тесноты любого большого города его несколько зданий, раскинувшихся у ветки железной дороги, и рабочий штат в несколько десятков человек вряд ли привлекли бы к себе внимание. Однако в своей сельской глуши это предприятие играло важнейшую роль в экономической жизни общины на протяжении более девяноста лет. Не считая вездесущей лесной и молочной промышленности, оно являлось единственным производственным предприятием на мили вокруг и, несомненно, было крупнейшим работодателем в деревне, а также основным получателем и отправителем грузов на близлежащей железнодорожной станции. Некоторое время в начале текущего века компания обеспечивала поселок примитивным электрическим свойством, а отель Comstock до тех пор, пока не был уничтожен пожаром, служил главной деревенской гостиницей. Но влияние этого бизнеса отнюдь не ограничивалось рамками одного лишь местного уровня. Десятилетиями тысячи коробок с пиллюлями и бутылок с эликсиром, а также миллионы рекламных проспектов и альманахов текли из этой удаленной деревни к аптекарям в тысячи населенных пунктов Соединенных Штатов и Канады, в Латинскую Америку и на Восток. А пиллюли индийского корня доктора Морза и другие средства, должно быть, были у всех на слуху везде, где люди страдали от болей и недугов. Таким образом, Морристаун, несмотря на свой безмятежный вид, играл активную роль в торговле и промышленности на протяжении всей колоритной эпохи патентных лекарств. Сегодня фабрика пиллюль индийского корня стоит заброшенной и опустевшей — ее упадок и гибель были вызваны эпохой более точной медицинской диагностики и более строгого соблюдения различных законов о пищевых продуктах и лекарствах. После закрытия фабрика была разграблена вандалами; записи, документы, обертки, рекламные проспекты, пиллюли, ожидавшая упаковки, и прочее имущество были сброшены с полок и разбросаны по полу. Это сделало невозможным систематическое восстановление и изучение записей. Тем не менее, бывшие владельцы бизнеса по какой-то причине — возможно, из-за простой инертности — по-видимому, сохранили все свои записи за более чем сто лет, сложив их на чердаке над упаковочным зданием. Несмотря на небрежное обращение, удалось восстановить достаточно записей, чтобы реконструировать большую часть истории предприятия Комстоков и пролить новый свет на индустрию патентных лекарств в Соединенных Штатах в период ее расцвета. Бизнес Комстоков, разумеется, был далеко не уникален. Сотни производителей фирменных средств процветали в 1880-х и 1890-х годах: «Аптечный справочник» за 1895 год перечисляет примерно 1 500 таких предприятий. Подавляющее большинство этих фабрик были намного меньше фабрики Комстока; на самом деле можно подозревать, что большинство из них представляли собой не более чем подсобные предприятия не обученных, но амбициозных аптекарей, которые при помощи случайных помощников смешивали некие таинственные зелья и придумывали изобретательные рекламные схемы. Лишь немногие из этих предприятий были значительно крупнее предприятия Комстока.

Происхождение бизнеса

Бизнес по производству пиллюль индийского корня на протяжении большей части своего существования управлялся двумя членами семьи Комсток — отцом и сыном, и благодаря необычному долголетию этот контроль со стороны двух поколений длился более века. Кроме того, предприятие располагалось в Морристауне в течение примерно девяноста лет. Однако сами пиллюли индийского корня были созданы вовсе не семьей Комсток и открыты не в Морристауне. Напротив, истоки этого бизнеса лежат в Нью-Йорке, в то время, когда город состоял в основном из двух- и трехэтажных зданий и не простирался дальше нынешней 42-й улицы. Согласно показаниям под присягой, составленным в 1851 году (а большая часть истории этого бизнеса почерпнута из документов, подготовленных в связи с многочисленными судебными процессами), основателем лекарственного предприятия Комстоков был Эдвин Комсток, начавший его примерно в 1833 году или ранее. Эдвин, наряду со множеством других братьев, которые вскоре появятся на страницах этой истории, был сыном Самуэля Комстока из Баттернатса в округе Отсего, штат Нью-Йорк. Самуэль, потомок в пятом поколении Уильяма Комстока, одного из первых поселенцев Нью-Лондона в штате Коннектикут и предка большинства Комстоков в Америке, родился в Ист-Лайме, штат Коннектикут, за несколько лет до Революции, но через некоторое время после рождения Эдвина в 1794 году переехал в округ Отсего, штат Нью-Йорк. В 1828 году Эдвин переехал в Батавию, штат Нью-Йорк, где 1 августа 1830 года родился его сын Уильям Генри Комсток. Впрочем, в течение четырех-пяти лет Эдвин отправился в Нью-Йорк, где основал обширный фармацевтический и лекарственный бизнес, которым члены его семьи управляли более ста лет. Почему именно Эдвин совершил эту кратковременную поездку в Батавию и где он впервые приобщился к торговле лекарствами, не совсем ясно, хотя быстрый рост его фирмы в Нью-Йорке наводит на мысль о том, что у него уже был предшествующий опыт в этой сфере. Правдоподобно предположить, что он мог работать в Батавии в аптеке доктора Леванта Б. Коутса, которая была уничтожена во время общегородского пожара 19 апреля 1833 года; прекращение деятельности Эдвина в Батавии могло быть связано либо с этой катастрофой, либо со смертью его жены в 1831 году. Очевидно также, что в семье Комстоков существовали медицинские традиции. Младший брат Самуэля, Джон Ли Комсток, получил медицинское образование и служил по этой специальности во время войны 1812 года, хотя большую известность он приобрел как историк и натурфилософ. Все пятеро сыновей Самуэля по крайней мере ненадолго приобщились к торговле лекарствами, а двое из них также сделали карьеру практикующих врачей. Кузен Эдвина, Томас Грисвольд Комсток (родился в 1829 году), также стал видным врачом-гомеопатом и гинекологом в Сент-Луисе. [1] Возможно также, что имеет значение тот факт, что первоначальная родина семьи Комсток в Коннектикуте находилась всего в нескольких милях от места открытия первого в Америке патентного лекарства — «Желчных пиллюль» Ли, созданных доктором Сэмюэлем Ли (1744–1805) из Уиндхэма примерно до 1796 года. [2] Это лекарство пользовалось столь быстрым успехом, что его вскоре стали широко подделывать, и Комстоки не могли не знать о его популярности. Поэтому кажется практически несомненным, что Эдвин уже не был новичком, когда основал собственный фармацевтический бизнес в Нью-Йорке. В период с 1833 по 1837 год он нанял своего брата Луциуса С. Комстока (родившегося в 1806 году) в качестве приказчика, и в течение следующих пятнадцати лет Луциус будет играть очень заметную роль в этой истории. Он не только прибавил к своему имени аббревиатуру «M.D.» (доктор медицины) и заявил о своем членстве в Медицинском обществе города Нью-Йорка, но и называл себя юрисконсультом. Эдвин, основатель бизнеса, прожил недолго, чтобы насладиться его процветанием, или, пожалуй, следует сказать, что ему посчастливилось уйти из жизни до того, как предприятие столкнулось с самыми суровыми испытаниями и невзгодами. После смерти Эдвина в 1837 году Луциус продолжил дело в партнерстве с другим братом, Альбертом Ли, под наименованием Comstock & Co. Еще два брата, Джон Карлтон (родился в 1819 году) и Джордж Уэллс (родился в 1820 году), были наняты в качестве приказчиков.

FIGURE 1.—Original wrapper for Carltons Liniment, 1851.

Партнерство Comstock & Co. между Луциусом и Альбертом прекратилось из-за спора между двумя братьями в 1841 году, и Альберт пошел своим путем, начав карьеру врача и дожив до 1876 года. Затем Луциус занялся бизнесом со своей тещей, Анной Мур, с 1841 по 1846 год; после роспуска этой фирмы он создал новое партнерство, также под названием Comstock & Co., со своим братом Джоном (более известным как Дж. Карлтон). Эта фирма снова наняла в качестве приказчиков Джорджа Уэллса Комстока и племянника Уильяма Генри, сына Эдвина. Уильям Генри в конце концов должен был стать основателем бизнеса в Морристауне. В марте 1849 года было создано еще одно новое партнерство в составе Луциуса, Дж. Карлтона и Джорджа Уэллса под названием Comstock & Co. Brothers, хотя существующее партнерство Comstock & Co. формально не прекращало своего существования. Активы, товарно-материальные запасы и дебиторская задолженность в процессе взыскания были переданы от Comstock & Co. компании Comstock & Co. Brothers. Но до конца 1849 года партнеры перессорились, Луциус разругался с братьями, и после периода разногласий фирма Comstock & Co. Brothers была распущена по состоянию на 1 августа 1850 года. В ту же дату или около того Дж. Карлтон и Джордж Уэллс создали новое партнерство под названием Comstock & Brother с ведением дел по адресу 9 Джон-стрит в Нью-Йорке, взяв также своего племянника Уильяма Генри в качестве приказчика. Луциус продолжил бизнес по старому адресу: 57 Джон-стрит. Еще 30 июня 1851 года новая фирма Comstock & Brother зарегистрировала следующие торговые наименования [3] в Смитсоновском институте: Линимент Карлтона — надежное средство от геморроя; Знаменитый нервный и костный линимент Карлтона для лошадей; Кондиционный порошок Карлтона для лошадей и крупного рогатого скота; Химический экстракт вишни и легочника Джадсона. Повторение его имени позволяет предположить, что Дж. Карлтон являлся главным изобретателем лекарств своей фирмы.

Иски и встречные иски

Все вышеупомянутые изменения в названиях и структуре бизнеса, должно быть, вызывали крайнюю путаницу у широкого круга агентов и розничных аптекарей во многих штатах и канадских провинциях, с которыми эти различные фирмы вели дела. И когда Джордж Уэллс и Дж. Карлтон отделились от Луциуса и открыли собственный офис на той же улице, стало совершенно непонятно, кто же на самом деле представляет первоначальный бизнес Комстоков, кто имеет право собирать многочисленные счета и векселя, остающиеся неоплаченными, и кому принадлежат существующие торговые наименования и формулы. Споры при таких обстоятельствах были неизбежны, и они усугублялись вспыльчивым характером Луциуса. К несчастью для семейного согласия, эти коммерческие трудности также совпали с разногласиями между братьями по поводу завещания их отца. Самуэль умер в 1840 году, но его завещание не было утверждено судом до 1846 года; по какой-то причине Луциус оспаривал его условия. Шли также судебные разбирательства по поводу наследства старшего брата Эдвина. Поскольку обе стороны не смогли достичь дружественного соглашения, в июне 1850 года был подан судебный иск между Луциусом с одной стороны и Дж. Карлтоном и Джорджем Уэллсом с другой о разделении имущества Comstock & Co. Brothers, которое оценивалось примерно в 25 000 или 30 000 долларов. Впоследствии, пока это судебное разбирательство тянулось, Луциус нашел более подходящую возможность возобновить ссору с братьями. Это произошло из-за его уверенности в том, что они забирают его корреспонденцию из почтового отделения. 26 мая 1851 года в одной из нью-йоркских газет, «Day Book», появилась следующая заметка:

United States Marshal's Office—Complaint was made against J. Carlton Comstock and Geo. Wells Comstock, of No. 9 John Street, and a clerk in their employ, for taking letters from the Post Office, belonging to Dr. L.S. Comstock, of 57 in the same street.

Dr. Comstock having missed a large number of letters, on inquiry at the Post Office it was suspected that they had been taken to No. 9 John Street.

By an arrangement with the Postmaster and his assistants, several letters were then put in the Post Office, containing orders addressed to Dr. Comstock, at 57 John Street, for goods to be sent to various places in the city to be forwarded to the country. The letters were taken by the accused or their clerk, opened at No. 9, the money taken out and the articles sent as directed, accompanied by bills in the handwriting of Geo. Wells Comstock. Warrants were then issued by the U.S. Commissioner and Recorder Talmadge, and two of the accused found at home were arrested and a large number of letters belonging to Dr. C. found on the premises. J.C. Comstock has not yet been arrested. It is said he is out of the city.

These two young men have for some months been trading sometimes under the name of "Comstock & Brother", and sometimes as "Judson & Co." at No. 9 John Street.

Этот же эпизод упоминался также в газетах «Express», «Commercial Advertiser» и «Tribune». Фактически оживленная дискуссия по поводу «эпизода с письмами» велась на страницах прессы в течение недели. Братья защищали себя в следующем объявлении, опубликованном в газете «Morning Express» за 31 мая:

OBTAINING LETTERS

Painful as it is, we are again compelled to appear before the public in defense of our character as citizens and business men. The two letters referred to by L.S. Comstock (one of which contained One Dollar only) were both directed "Comstock &Co." which letters we claim; and we repeat what we have before said, and what we shall prove that no letter or letters from any source directed to L.S. Comstock or Lucius S. Comstock have been taken or obtained by either of us or any one in our employ.

The public can judge whether a sense of "duty to the Post Office Department and the community", induced our brother to make this charge against us (which if proved would consign us to the Penitentiary) and under the pretence of searching for letters, which perhaps never existed; to send Police Officers to invade not only our store, but our dwelling house, where not even the presence of our aged Mother could protect from intrusion. These are the means by which he has put himself

FIGURE 2.—Wrapper for Oldridge's Balm of Columbia, Comstock & Co., druggists.

Луциус со своей стороны никогда не удостаивал оппонентов признанием в качестве братьев, а лишь характеризовал их как «двух молодых людей, которые претендуют на родство со мной». Позиция Дж. Карлтона и Джорджа заключалась в том, что, поскольку они, наравне с Луциусом, являлись наследниками распущенной фирмы Comstock & Co. Brothers, они имели не меньше прав, чем Луциус, на получение и вскрытие писем, адресованных подобным образом. Более того, поскольку предшествовавшая фирма Comstock & Co. никогда не была распущена, Дж. Карлтон также разделял любые права, требования или имущество этой фирмы. Более того, в лирическом ключе братья также утверждали в своем заявлении, что Луциус «не разговаривает со своей престарелой матерью, ни с одним из своих братьев или сестер, племянников или племянниц, или даже со своими дядями или тетями, охватывая довольно широкий круг лиц, все из которых отдалились от него либо из-за личных трудностей с ним, либо из-за его неподобающего поведения по отношению к братьям». Луциус, в свою очередь, велел напечатать копии своих обвинений против братьев вместе с инсинуациями в адрес их характера и лекарств в виде циркуляров и широко распространил их среди всех нынешних или бывших клиентов в Соединенных Штатах и Канаде. Между тем гражданские судебные разбирательства относительно разделения активов старого партнерства, разросшиеся в путаницу жалоб и встречных жалоб, тянулись до 1852 года. Не было обнаружено ни одного документа, сообщающего точные условия окончательного урегулирования, хотя дело очевидно было урегулировано путем компромисса на какой-то основе, поскольку сохранившиеся записи действительно упоминают о разделе товаров в Нью-Йорке и Сент-Луисе. Первоначальные помещения на 57 Джон-стрит остались в распоряжении Луциуса. В ходе этого обширного судебного процесса интересы Дж. Карлтона и Джорджа представляла юридическая фирма Allen, Hudson & Campbell, чей счет на 2 132 доллара они отказались оплатить полностью, в результате чего фирма Аллена подала на них встречный иск. Некоторые из пространных показаний, представленных в этом иске о взыскании долга, пролили дополнительный свет на предыдущий конфликт с Луциусом. Его охарактеризовали как крайне тяжелого человека: «однажды стороны дошли до драки — и Дж. У. поставил доктору фингал под глазом». Иск юридической фирмы о взыскании гонорара был окончательно урегулирован выплатой 1 200 долларов в январе 1854 года. Урегулирование дел компании Comstock & Co. Brothers не принесло мира между Луциусом и остальными. Соперничающие компании-преемники продолжали пикироваться из-за рынков сбыта и перенесли борьбу в провинцию, каждая борясь за лояльность бывших клиентов. Письма и циркуляры с нападками на оппонентов широко распространялись обеими сторонами. Еще в декабре 1855 года, спустя более чем четыре года после события, Луциус все еще жаловался в серии печатных циркуляров на «кражу» его писем из почтового отделения, хотя дело было отклонено судом. Но так или иначе новая фирма Comstock & Brother восторжествовала над Comstock & Co., поскольку летом 1853 года Луциус счел необходимым передать все свои активы кредиторам. После этого он перенес свой бизнес с Джон-стрит на Веси-стрит, 45, позади церковного двора церкви св. Павла, но хотя он выпустил впечатляющие новые рекламные листки, описывающие его фирму как «Оптовых химиков, фармацевтов и парфюмеров», он, судя по всему, больше не преуспевал в торговле лекарствами, поскольку старые справочники Нью-Йорка показывают, что вскоре он переключил свои основные силы на юридическую практику. Будучи человеком разносторонним, Луциус поступил в армию Севера в качестве хирурга во время Гражданской войны, а по возвращении возобновил юридическую карьеру, продолжая ее до своей смерти в 1876 году. Помимо своей роли в лекарственном бизнесе Комстоков, Луциус также заслуживает упоминания в сноске политической истории Соединенных Штатов в качестве старшины большого жюри присяжных, которое предъявило обвинение боссу Твиду в 1872 году.

Создание нового партнерства

Двумя владельцами фирмы Comstock & Brother на Джон-стрит, 9 были братья Джордж Уэллс и Дж. Карлтон Комстоки. Во время только что описанных событий их племянник Уильям Генри Комсток был наемным работником, но не партнером фирмы (он был тем самым «приказчиком», который забрал спорные письма из почтового отделения). Это партнерство прекратилось из-за смерти 17 сентября 1853 года Дж. Карлтона Комстока, изобретателя ветеринарных лекарств. Для продолжения бизнеса 1 октября 1853 года было создано новое партнерство, также под названием Comstock & Brother, в составе Джорджа Уэллса Комстока, Уильяма Генри Комстока и Болдуина Л. Джадсона. Джадсон был мужем Элизы, сестры Луциуса и его братьев. Джордж внес половину капитала новой фирмы, а остальные двое — по четверти каждый; однако исключительное владение всеми товарными знаками, рецептурами и правами на лекарства было оставлено за Джорджем. Не совсем понятно, когда именно Джадсон вошел в фармацевтический бизнес или впервые связал себя с Комстоками; существуют некоторые свидетельства того, что он ранее вел дела самостоятельно, так как до этого времени им было зарегистрировано несколько средств. Химический экстракт Джадсона был зарегистрирован фирмой Комстоков в Смитсоновском институте в 1851 году, но юношеский кордиал или пророческий эликсир доктора Ларзетти ранее был зарегистрирован компанией Judson & Co. в 1844 году. В варианте этикетки юношеского кордиала также упоминается Леви Джадсон (отец?) как единственный агент доктора Ларзетти в Америке. Помимо «новых» средств, фирма Комстоков — обе фирмы Комстоков — продавала также все «старые» патентные лекарства, большинство из которых имели британское происхождение. К ним относились такие товары, как кордиал Годфри, грудные капли Бейтмана, жизненный бальзам Терлингтона, британское масло и другие. Единственным строго американским продуктом, который мог претендовать на почтенный возраст, в какой-то мере приближающийся к ним, были желчные пиллюли Сэмюэля Ли, запатентованные 30 апреля 1796 года. Большинство более поздних средств, вероятно, были созданы местными врачами или аптекарями либо в результате экспериментов, либо на основе старых народных рецептов, и после некоторого видимого успеха были переняты производителями лекарств. Однако за редким исключением имена первооткрывателей, по-видимому, так и не вошли в историю медицины.

FIGURE 3.—Original wrapper for Judson's Chemical Extract of Cherry and Lungwort, printed about 1855.

Появление пиллюль индийского корня доктора Морза

Летом 1855 года к фирме Комстоков, располагавшейся теперь на Леонард-стрит, 50, обратился некий Эндрю Дж. Уайт, который представился единственным владельцем пиллюль индийского корня доктора Морза и ранее производил их в рамках собственного бизнеса, осуществлявшегося под наименованием A.B. Moore по адресу Майн-стрит, 225 в Буффало. На самом деле главная связь Уайта с этим бизнесом заключалась в работе приказчиком, и в партнеры его приняли лишь недавно. Тем не менее Комстоки приняли его заявления — по легкомыслию, в чем приходится убедиться, — и 10 августа 1855 года подписали с Уайтом контракт на производство и распространение этих пиллюль. Создателем этих пиллюль был Эндрю Б. Мур. Это следует из нескольких юридических документов, включая судебный запрет по иску в интересах Уайта и Мура в 1859 году, где частично говорится следующее:

The defendant Moore always had an equal right with White to manufacture the pills—and by the agreement of 21st June, 1858 Moore is (illegible) to his original right and the defendants are manufacturing under Moore's original right....

The plaintiffs (the Comstocks) by their acts have disenabled Moore from using his own name.... (emphasis in original).

FIGURE 4.—Label for Dr. Larzetti's Juno Cordial, 1844.

FIGURE 5.—List of medicines offered by Comstock & Brother (predecessor of the firm which later moved to Morristown) in 1854.

In an undated form of contract, between Moore on the one part and George Comstock, William H. Comstock, Judson, and White on the other part, the parties agree, at Moore's option, either to sell all rights and interest in Dr. Morse's Indian Root Pills to him, or to buy them from him, but in the latter event he must covenant that "he will forever refrain from the manufacture or sale of any medicine called Dr. Morse's Root Pills, Moore's Indian Root Pills, or Morse's Pills, or Moore's Pills, or any other name or designation similar to or resembling in any way either thereof...."

In brief, there never was a Dr. Morse—other than Andrew B. Moore. And the Comstocks never claimed any origin of the pills in legal documents, other than their purchase from White. Subsequently, the company fabricated a lengthy history of the discovery of the pills and even pictured Dr. Morse with his "healthy, blooming family." This story was printed in almanacs and in a wrapper accompanying every box of pills. According to this version, "the famous and celebrated Dr. Morse," after completing his education in medical science, traveled widely in Asia, Africa, Europe, and North America, and spent three years among the Indians of our western country, where he discovered the secret of the Indian Root Pills. Returning from one of these journeys after a long absence, he found his father apparently on his death bed. But let us quote the story directly:

A number of years ago this good man was very sick. He had eight of the most celebrated doctors to attend him both night and day. With all their skill this good and pious gentleman grew worse, and finally they gave him up, saying that it was impossible to cure him and he would soon die ... In the afternoon he was taken with shortness of breath and supposed to be dying. The neighbors were sent for, the room soon filled, and many prayers were offered up from the very hearts of these dear Christian people, that some relief might be obtained for this good and pious man.

While these prayers were ascending like sweet incense to the throne above, and every eye was bathed in tears, a rumbling noise was heard in the distance, like a mighty chariot winding its way near, when all at once a fine span of horses, before a beautiful coach, stood before the door, out of which alighted a noble and elegant-looking man. In a moment's time he entered the room, and embraced the hand of his dear father and mother. She clasped her arms around his neck and fainted away.

The Doctor, surprised to see his father so nearly gone, immediately went to his coach, taking therefrom various plants and roots, which he had learned from the Red Men of the forest as being good for all diseases, and gave them to his father, and in about two hours afterwards he was much relieved.... Two days afterwards he was much better, and the third day he could walk about the room ...and now we behold him a strong, active man, and in the bloom of health, and at the age of ninety-five able to ride in one day thirty-five miles, in order to spend his birthday with this celebrated Doctor, his son.

The foregoing event was supposed to have occurred some years before 1847, as the elder Mr. Morse's ninety-fifth birthday referred to was celebrated on November 20, 1847, when he was still hale and hearty. The old gentleman was also said to be enormously wealthy, "with an income of about five hundred thousand dollars annually, and the owner of a number of fine, elegant ships, which sailed in different directions to every part of the world." Dr. Morse, who was the first man to establish that all diseases arise from the impurity of the blood, subsequently discarded his regular practice of medicine and, as a boon to mankind, devoted his entire energy to the manufacture of Dr. Morse's Indian Root Pills.

FIGURE 6.—"A Short History of Dr. Morse's Father."

A copy was inserted in every box of the pills.

This story, which was first disseminated as early as the late 1850s, was an entire fabrication. Throughout the patent-medicine era it was the common practice to ascribe an Indian, or at least some geographically remote, origin to all of these nostrums and panaceas. In the words of James Harvey Young, in his book on the Social History of Patent Medicines: [4]

From the 1820's onward the Indian strode nobly through the American patent-medicine wilderness. Hiawatha helped a hair restorative and Pocahontas blessed a bitters. Dr. Fall spent twelve years with the Creeks to discover why no Indian had ever perished of consumption. Edwin Eastman found a blood syrup among the Comanches. Texas Charlie discovered a Kickapoo cure-all, and Frank Cushing pried the secret of a stomach renovator from the Zuni. (Frank, a famous ethnologist, had gone West on a Smithsonian expedition.) Besides these notable accretions to pharmacy, there were Modoc Oil, Seminole Cough Balsam, Nez Perce Catarrh Snuff, and scores more, all doubtless won for the use of white men by dint of great cunning and valor.

Judson's Mountain Herb Pills, a companion product of the Indian Root Pills, had an even more romantic origin—so remarkable, in fact, that the story was embodied in a full-scale paperback novel published by B.L. Judson & Co. in 1859. According to this book, the remedy was discovered—or at least revealed to the world—by a famous adventurer, Dr. Cunard. Dr. Cunard's career somehow bore a remarkable similarity to that of Dr. Morse. He was also the scion of a wealthy family who spent much time traveling throughout the world, and in this process becoming fluent in no less than thirty languages. Eventually he encountered an Aztec princess about to be tortured and sacrificed by Navajo Indians; he interrupted this ceremony only to be captured himself, but by virtue of successfully foretelling an eclipse (happily he had his almanac with him) he won release for himself and the princess. Thereafter he led her back to her home, in some remote part of Mexico, and lived among her people for a year. As a boon for having saved the princess, he was given possession of the ancient healing formula of the Aztecs. Upon returning home Dr. Cunard, in an experience very similar to Dr. Morse's, found his mother on her death bed, but he effected an instant cure by the use of the miraculous herbs he had brought with him. The news spread, soon a wide circle of neighbors was clamoring for this medicine, and in order that all mankind might share in these benefits, Dr. Cunard graciously conveyed the secret to B.L. Judson & Co.

These stories were told entirely straightforwardly, with the intention of being believed. How widely they were actually accepted is difficult to say. In retrospect it seems extremely curious that persons as prominent, as successful, as wealthy as Dr. Morse and Dr. Cunard were never seen or heard by the public, were never mentioned in the newspapers, never ran for public office, their names never listed in any directories, biographies or encyclopedias, and in fact they were not noticed anywhere—except in the advertising material of Comstock & Co. and B.L. Judson. Perhaps such credulity was not unusual in the 1850s, before the advent of widely distributed newspapers and other means of communication, but more than fifty years later, in the early years of the present century, essentially the same version of the history of Dr. Morse was still being printed in the Comstock almanacs.

Борьба за контроль над пиллюлями индийского корня

The agreement of August 10, 1855, between Andrew J. White and the Comstocks established a partnership "for the purpose of manufacturing and selling Dr. Morse's Indian Root Pills and for no other purpose," the partners thereof being A.J. White as an individual and Comstock & Brother as a firm. The new partnership was named A.J. White & Co., but White contributed no money or property—nothing but the right to Dr. Morse's Indian Root Pills. The Comstock firm supplied all of the tangible assets, together with the use of their existing business premises. In turn, Comstock was to receive three fourths and White one fourth of the profits. In brief, the new firm, although bearing White's name, was controlled by the Comstocks.

It is not clear why Moore, the originator of the pills, was not taken into the new business or otherwise recognized in the agreement. As we have seen, White claimed absolute ownership of Dr. Morse's Indian Root Pills, but Moore evidently did not agree, for he continued to manufacture and peddle his own pills, at the same time denouncing those prepared by A.J. White & Co. under Comstock control as forgeries. Moore had previously been in business in Buffalo, at 225 Main Street, under his own name; an announcement in the 1854 Buffalo City Directory (the

Commercial Advertiser ) describes his firm as successor both to C.C. Bristol and to Moore, Liebetrut & Co. The same directory shows White as merely a clerk at Moore's place of business, although he was made a partner sometime during 1854.

Cyrenius C. Bristol, whose business Moore took over, had entered the drug trade in 1832, initially in partnership with a Dr. G.E. Hayes. In the drug field his best known preparation was Bristol's renowned sarsaparilla, and he is credited with having originated the patent-medicine almanac, along with other advertising innovations. The patent-medicine business, however, represented merely one of his wide-ranging interests; he was also a co-owner of vessels plying the Great Lakes, a publisher, and a dabbler in such occult arts as Mesmerism, Phrenology, and Morse's theory of the electric telegraph. In 1855 he appeared as the proprietor of the Daily Republic , and it was perhaps his growing involvement in publishing that led him to turn his drug business over to Moore.

While we know this much about Moore's antecedents, a very considerable mystery remains. If Moore was the proprietor of his own apparently prosperous drug and medicine business in Buffalo in 1854, with White as one of his clerks, how did it happen that in the following year White represented himself to the Comstocks as the sole owner of Dr. Morse's (Moore's) Indian Root Pills? And Moore, although he initially disputed this claim, left his own business in Buffalo and ultimately joined White and the Comstocks, not even in the capacity of a partner, but merely as an employee.

These events would seem, however, to date the origin of the Indian Root Pills fairly closely. Moore was already manufacturing them in Buffalo prior to White's initial agreement with the Comstocks, but as he did not mention them by name in his

Commercial Advertiser announcement in 1854, it is a fair presumption that the pills were new at this time. But they must have caught on very rapidly to induce the Comstocks to enter a partnership with White, under his name, when he contributed only the Indian Root Pills but no cash or other tangible assets.

FIGURE 7.—Wrapper for Dr. Morse's Indian Root Pills, A.J. White & Co., sole proprietor.

a

b

c

d

e

f

g

FIGURE 8.—Indian Root Pill labels: a, original used by Moore, the originator of the pills; b, initial label used by A.J. White & Co. under Comstock ownership, 1855-1857; c, revised label adopted by Comstocks in June 1857 after Moore changed the color of his label to blue; d, label adopted by Moore and White for selling in competition with the Comstocks, 1859. Obviously printed from the same plate as c, but with an additional signature just above the Indian on horseback; e, new label adopted by the Comstocks after the departure of Moore and White; f, label used in the final years of the business; g, label, in Spanish, used in final years for export trade to Latin America.

While manufacturing the pills in Buffalo, Moore had been packaging them under a yellow label bearing a pictorial representation of the British coat-of-arms, flanked on one side by an Indian and on the other by a figure probably supposed to represent a merchant or a sea captain. The labels also described Moore as the proprietor, "without whose signature none can be genuine." And after the formation of A.J. White & Co. and the purported transfer of Dr. Morse's pills to it, Moore still continued to sell the same medicine and to denounce the White-Comstock product as spurious. The latter was packaged under a white label showing an Indian warrior riding horseback and was signed "A.J. White & Co." While the color was shortly changed to blue and the name of the proprietor several times amended through the ensuing vicissitudes, the label otherwise remained substantially unchanged for as long as the pills continued to be manufactured, or for over 100 years.

The nuisance of Moore's independent manufacture of the pills was temporarily eliminated when, on June 21, 1858, Moore was hired by A.J. White & Co. [5]

and abandoned competition with them. The Comstocks, in employing him, insisted upon a formal, written agreement whereunder Moore agreed to discontinue any manufacture or sale of the pills and to assign all rights and title therein, together with any related engravings, cuts, or designs, to A.J. White & Co. As previously stated, the two Comstock brothers, Judson, and White had offered either to sell the Indian Root Pill business in its entirety to Moore, or to buy it from him. Moore's employment by A.J. White & Co. presumably followed his election not to purchase and operate the business himself.

So far so good. The Comstocks' claim to the Indian Root Pills through the 75 percent controlled A.J. White & Co. now seemed absolutely secure and the disparagement of their products at an end. But new dissension must have occurred, for on New Year's Day of 1859, without prior notice, Moore and White absented themselves from the Comstock office, taking with them as many of the books, accounts, records, and other assets of A.J. White & Co. as they could carry. Forthwith they established a business of their own, also under the name of A.J. White & Co., at 10 Courtlandt Street, where they resumed the manufacture and distribution of Dr. Morse's Indian Root Pills, under a close facsimile of the label already being used by the A.J. White-Comstock firm.

These events left the Comstocks in an embarrassing position. For over three years they had been promoting the A.J. White trade name, but now they could hardly keep a competitor from operating under his own name. Their official attitude was that the old firm of A.J. White & Co. was still in existence and controlled by the Comstocks. But shortly they conceded this point tacitly when they introduced new labels for the Indian Root Pills, under the name and signature of B. Lake Judson, and advised that any accounts or correspondence with A.J. White & Co. still outstanding should be directed to the new firm of Judson.

Obviously, this state of affairs was extremely confusing to all of the customers. Judson traveled widely through the Canadian maritime provinces and prevailed upon many merchants to disavow orders previously given to the new A.J. White firm at 10 Courtlandt Street. On April 28, 1859, White and Moore, for their part, appointed one James Blakely of Napanee, Canada West, to represent them in the territory between Kingston and Hamilton "including all the back settlements," where he should engage in the collection of all notes and receipts for the Indian Root Pills and distribute new supplies to the merchants. On all collections he was to receive 25 percent; new medicines were to be given out without charge except for freight. In his letter accepting the appointment, Blakely advised that:

I think the pills should be entered here so as to avoid part of the enormous duty. 30% is too much to pay. I think there might be an understanding so that it might be done with safety. Goods coming to me should come by Oswego and from thence by Steamer to Millport. By this route they would save the delay they would be subject to coming by Kingston and avoid the scrutiny they would give them there at the customhouse.

FIGURE 9.—"To Purchasers of Dr. Morse's

Indian Root Pills"—a warning by James Blakely,

Canadian agent for A.J. White, against the

"counterfeit" pills manufactured by the Comstock

firm.

The great bulk of the notes and accounts which were assigned to Blakely for collection were undoubtedly accounts originally established with the old A.J. White & Co. and therefore in dispute with the Comstocks. But in any case, Blakely went vigorously up and down his territory, frequently crossing the paths of agents of the Comstocks, pushing the pills and attempting to collect outstanding bills owed to A.J. White & Co. by persuasion and threats. On July 2, 1860, he wrote that:

My sales have been pretty good. Comstock Pills are put in almost every place, generally on commission at a low figure, but I get them put aside in most cases and make actual sales so they will be likely to get them back.

Meanwhile, back in New York City, the fight between the erstwhile partners went on, mostly in the legal arena. On April 14, 1859, the sheriff, at the instigation of the Comstocks, raided White's premises at 10 Courtlandt Street and seized the books, accounts, and correspondence carried away by White and Moore on January 1. Simultaneously, the Comstocks succeeded in having White and Moore arrested on a charge of larceny "for stealing on last New Year's Day a large number of notes and receipts," and in September White was arrested on a charge of forgery. Since the alleged offense took place in Pennsylvania, he was extradited back to that state. Neither the circumstances nor the disposition of this case is known, but since White claimed the right to collect notes issued by the old A.J. White & Co., it is probable that the charge arose merely out of his endorsement of some disputed note. On this occasion the Comstocks printed and distributed circulars which were headed: "Andrew J. White, the pill man indicted for forgery," and thereunder they printed the requisition of the governor of New York in response to the request for extradition from Pennsylvania, in such a way as to suggest that their side of the dispute had official sanction.

The Comstocks must also have discovered White's and Blakely's arrangement for avoiding "scrutiny" of their goods shipped into Canada, for on July 29 there was an acknowledgment by the Collector of Customs of the Port of Queenston of certain information supplied by George Wells Comstock, William Henry Comstock, and Baldwin L. Judson on goods being "smuggled into this province."

While the principal case between the Comstocks and White and Moore was scheduled for trial in December 1860, no documents which report its outcome were discovered. However, it is a fair surmise that the rival parties finally realized that they were spending a great deal of energy and money to little avail, injuring each other's business in the process and tarnishing the reputation of the Indian Root Pills regardless of ownership. In any case, a final settlement of this protracted controversy was announced on March 26, 1861, when White and Moore relinquished all claims and demands arising out of the sale of Dr. Morse's Indian Root Pills prior to January 1, 1859.

FIGURE 10.—As one episode in the contest between the Comstocks and White and Moore for control of the Indian Root Pills, the Comstocks succeeded in having White indicted for forgery and briefly lodged in jail.

Since no copy of this agreement was found, we do not know what inducement was offered to Moore and White. However, hundreds of announcements of the settlement, directed "To the debtors of the late firm of A.J. WHITE & CO." were printed, advising that

The controversy and the difficulties between the members of the old firm of A.J. White & Co. of No. 50 Leonard Street, New York, being ended, we hereby notify all parties to whom MORSE'S INDIAN ROOT PILLS were sent or delivered prior to January 1, 1859, and all parties holding for collection or otherwise, any of said claims or demands for said Pills, that we the undersigned have forever relinquished, and have now no claim, right, title or interest in said debts or claims, and authorize the use of the names of said firm whenever necessary in recovering, collecting and settling such debts and claims.

The announcement was signed by Andrew J. White and Andrew B. Moore.

This should have been the end of this wearisome affair, but it was not. It soon appeared that Moore had violated this agreement by concealing a number of accounts, together with a quantity of pills, circulars, labels, and a set of plates, and, in the words of Comstock's complaint, transferred them "to James Blakely, an irresponsible person in Canada West." And Blakely evidently continued to collect such accounts for the benefit of himself and Moore. However, the Comstocks also entered the scene of strife, and sometime during the summer of 1862 William Henry Comstock, then traveling in Ontario, collected a note in the amount of $7.50 in favor of A.J. White & Co., as he had every right to do, but endorsed it "James Blakely for A.J. White & Co." Blakely, when he learned of this, charged Comstock with forgery; Comstock in turn charged Blakely with libel. Comstock probably defended his somewhat questionable endorsement by the agreement of March 26 of the previous year; in any event the case was dismissed by a Justice of the Peace in Ottawa without comment. In New York City, on November 25, the Comstocks had Moore arrested again, with White at this time testifying in their support. There was also an attempt to prosecute Blakely in Canada; his defense was that he had bought the disputed accounts and notes from Moore on March 11, 1861—a few days before the agreement with the Comstocks—and that his ownership of these notes was thereafter absolute and he was no longer working as an agent for Moore.

This controversy was still in the courts as late as April of 1864, and its final outcome is not known. But in any case, aside only from Moore's and Blakely's attempts to collect certain outstanding accounts and to dispose of stock still in their hands, the agreement of March 26, 1861, left the Comstocks in full and undisputed possession of Dr. Morse's Indian Root Pills. White thereafter continued in the patent-medicine business in New York City on his own; his firm was still active as recently as 1914. The subsequent history of Moore is unknown.

Братья расстаются

One would imagine that the three partners of Comstock & Brother would have been exhausted by litigation and would be eager to work amicably together for years. But such was not to be the case. The recovered records give notice of a lawsuit (1866) between George Comstock on the one hand and William H. Comstock and Judson on the other. No other documents relating to this case were found, and thus the precise issue is not known, or how it was finally settled. However, it was obviously a prelude to the dissolution of the old firm.

Letters and documents from the several years preceding this event suggest that Judson had become more prominent in the business, and that he and William H. Comstock had gradually been drawing closer together, perhaps in opposition to George. Judson, although a partner of Comstock & Brother, also operated under his own name at 50 Leonard Street and had originated several of the medicines himself. It is not clear whether the old firm of Comstock & Brother was formally dissolved, but after 1864 insurance policies and other documents referred to the premises as "Comstock & Judson." In 1863 the federal internal revenue license in connection with the new "temporary" Civil War tax on the manufacturing of drugs [6] was issued simply to B.L. Judson & Co., now located, with the Comstocks, at 106 Franklin Street.

FIGURE 11.—This announcement, sent to all customers of the Indian Root Pills, marked the final termination of the long dispute between two firms, both named A.J. White & Co., and both of whom claimed ownership of the pills .

During this period Judson and William Henry Comstock became interested in a coffee-roasting and spice-grinding business, operated under the name of Central Mills, and located in the Harlem Railroad Building at the corner of Centre and White Streets. Possibly George objected to his partners spreading their energies over a second business; in any case, dissension must have arisen over some matter. On April 1, 1866, balance sheets were drawn up separately for B.L. Judson & Co. and Comstock & Judson; the former showed a net worth of $48,527.56 against only $5,066.70 for the latter. Both of these firms had a common bookkeeper, E. Kingsland, but the relationship between the firms is not known.

On April 25, Judson and William H. Comstock sold their coffee-roasting business to one Alexander Chegwidden, taking a mortgage on the specific assets, which included, besides roasters and other machinery, a horse and wagon. But if this had been a factor in the controversy among the partners, the sale failed to end it, for we find that on December 21, 1866, George W. obtained an injunction against William Henry and Judson restraining them from collecting or receiving any accounts due the partnership of B.L. Judson & Co., transferring or disposing of any of its assets, and continuing business under that name or using any of its trademarks. Unfortunately, we have no information as to the details of this case or the terms of settlement, but we do find that on February 1, 1867, the law firm of Townsend, Dyett & Morrison rendered a bill for $538.85 to B.L. Judson and William H. Comstock for "Supervising and engrossing two copies of agreement with George W. Comstock on settlement" and for representing the two parties named in several actions and cross actions with George.

This settlement, whatever its precise character may have been, obviously marked the termination of the old partnership—or, more properly, the series of successor partnerships—that had been carried on by various of the Comstock brothers for over thirty years. William Henry, the former clerk and junior partner—although also the son of the founder—was now going it alone. Before this time he had already transferred the main center of his activities to Canada, and he must have been contemplating the removal of the business out of New York City.

After this parting of the ways, George W. Comstock was associated with several machinery businesses in New York City, up until his death in 1889. During the Draft Riots of 1863 he had played an active role in protecting refugees from the Colored orphanage on 43rd Street, who sought asylum in his house at 136 West 34th Street. [7]

Пиллюли доктора Морза переезжают в Морристаун

In April 1867, the home of Dr. Morse's Indian Root Pills and of the other proprietary remedies was transferred from New York City to Morristown, a village of 300 inhabitants on the bank of the St. Lawrence River in northern New York State. This was not, however, the initial move into this area; three or four years earlier William H. Comstock had taken over an existing business in Brockville, Ontario, directly across the river. No specific information as to why the business was established here has been found, but the surrounding circumstances provide some very good presumptions.

The bulk of the Comstocks' business was always carried on in rural areas—in "the back-woods." Specifically, the best sales territory consisted of the Middle West—what was then regarded as "The West"—of the United States and of Canada West, i.e., the present province of Ontario. A surviving ledger of all of the customers of Comstock & Brother in 1857 supplies a complete geographic distribution. Although New Jersey and Pennsylvania were fairly well represented, accounts in New York State were sparse, and those in New England negligible. And despite considerable travel by the partners or agents in the Maritime Provinces, no very substantial business was ever developed there. The real lively sales territory consisted of the six states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa, which accounted for over two thirds of all domestic sales, while Canada West contributed over 90 percent of Canadian sales. More regular customers were to be found in Canada West—a relatively compact territory—than any other single state or province. The number of customers of Comstock & Brother in 1857 by states and provinces follows:

Alabama

Arkansas

Connecticut

Delaware

D.C.

Florida

Georgia

Illinois

Indiana

Iowa

Kansas Ter.

Kentucky

Louisiana

Maine

Maryland

Massachusetts

Minnesota Ter.

Mississippi

Missouri

Michigan

New York State

New York City

New Jersey

New Hampshire

North Carolina

Ohio

Pennsylvania

Rhode Island

South Carolina

Tennessee

Texas

Virginia

Wisconsin

New Brunswick

Nova Scotia

Canada East (Quebec)

Canada West

Total United States

Total Canada

12

1

3

5

1

5

15

415

298

179

1

21

7

2

21

5

6

8

32

194

88

3

212

1

9

179

192

2

5

21

1

30

303

15

19

7

434

2,277

475

The concentration of this market and its considerable distance from New York City at a time when transportation conditions were still relatively primitive must have created many problems in distribution. Moreover, the serious threat to the important Canadian market imposed by White and Moore, although eventually settled by compromise, must have emphasized the vulnerability of this territory to competition.

It was also probable that the office in lower Manhattan—at 106 Franklin Street after May 20, 1862—was found to be increasingly congested and inconvenient as a site for mixing pills and tonics, bottling, labeling, packaging and shipping them, and keeping all of the records for a large number of individual small accounts. A removal of the manufacturing part of the business to more commodious quarters, adjacent to transportation routes, must have been urgent.

But why move to as remote a place as Morristown, New York, beyond the then still wild Adirondacks? It is obvious that this location was selected because the company already had an office and some facilities in Brockville, Canada West.

William H. Comstock must have first become established at Brockville, after extensive peregrinations through Canada West, around 1859 or 1860. During the dispute between A.J. White and Comstock & Judson, Blakely, the aggressive Canadian agent, had written to White, on September 1, 1859, that he had heard from "Mr. Allen Turner of Brockville" that the Comstocks were already manufacturing Dr. Morse's Indian Root Pills at St. Catherines. Evidently the Comstocks thought of several possible locations, for on July 2 of the following year Blakely advised his principals that the Comstocks were now manufacturing their pills in Brockville. Two years later, in November 1862, when Blakely sued William H. Comstock for the forgery of a note, the defendant was then described in the legal papers as "one Wm. Henry Comstock of the town of Brockville Druggist." And in July 1865, Comstock was writing from Brockville to E. Kingsland, the bookkeeper in New York City, telling him to put Brenner—the bearer of the letter—"in the mill." Comstock had apparently taken over an existing business in Brockville, as receipts for medicines delivered by him describe him as "Successor to A.N. M'Donald & Co." Dr. McKenzie's Worm Tablets also seem to have come into the Comstock business with this acquisition.

FIGURE 12.—Label for Victoria Hair Gloss, Comstock & Brother, 1855.

This did not mean a final move to Brockville for William H. Comstock; for several years he must have gone back and forth and was still active in New York City as a partner of his brother and of Judson. We have seen that he subsequently went into partnership with Judson in the purchase of the coffee-roasting business. In December 1866, he was a defendant in the lawsuit initiated by his brother George, when he was still apparently active in the New York City business. Nevertheless, he apparently shifted the center of his activities to the Brockville area about 1860, relinquishing primary responsibility for affairs in New York City to his brother and to Judson.

We now find the Comstock business established at Brockville. Exactly why a second plant was built at Morristown, right across the river, is again a matter for conjecture. It is a fair assumption, however, that customs duties or other restraints may have interfered with the ability of the Canadian plant to supply the United States market. Thus, facilities on the other side of the border, but still close enough to be under common management, must have become essential. In an era of water transportation, Morristown was a convenient place from which to supply the important middle western territory. Ogdensburg was the eastern terminus of lake boats, and several lines provided daily service between that point and Buffalo. The railroad had already reached Ogdensburg (although not yet Morristown) so that rail transportation was also convenient. And the farms of St. Lawrence County could certainly be counted upon to supply such labor as was necessary for the rather simple tasks of mixing pills and elixirs and packaging them. Finally, the two plants were directly across the river from each other—connection was made by a ferry which on the New York side docked almost on the Comstock property—so that both could easily be supervised by a single manager. In fact, if it had not been for the unusual circumstance that they were located in two different countries, they could really have been considered as no more than separate buildings constituting a single plant.