«Трое французов в Бенгалии: Коммерческий крах французских селений в 1757 году»

character some great virtue which balanced his vices and

counteracted their effects. However, this young giddy-pate

had no talent for government except that of making himself

feared, and, at the same time, passed for the most cowardly

of men. At first he had shown some regard for the officers of

the army, because, until he was recognized as Nawab, he felt

his need of them. He had even shown generosity, but this

quality, which was quite opposed to his real character,

soon disappeared,to make place for violence and greed, which decided

against him all those who had favoured his accession in the

hope that he would behave discreetly when he became Nawab."

Вследствие общего отвращения, испытываемого в Муршидабаде к навабу, его кузен Саукат Джанг, наваб Пурнии, счел этот момент благоприятным для возобновления своих притязаний, и в начале октября Сирадж-уд-Даула, услышав о его замышляемом мятеже, вторгся в его владения.

"Every one longed for a change, and many flattered

themselves it would take place. In fact, it was the most

favourable opportunity to procure it. The result would have

been happiness and tranquillity for Bengal. Whilst contributing

to the general good—which even the Dutch might

have interested themselves in—we could have prevented

the misfortunes which have since happened to us. Three or

four hundred Europeans and a few sepoys would have done

the business. If we could have joined this force to the

enemies of Siraj-ud-daula we should have placed on the

throne another Nawab—not, indeed, one wholly to our taste,

but, not to worry about trifles, one to the liking of the house

of Jagat Seth,[79] and the chief Moors and Rajas. I am sure

such a Nawab would have kept his throne. The English

would have been re-established peaceably, they would certainly

have received some compensation, and would have had

to be satisfied whether they liked it or not. The neutrality of

the Ganges assured, at least to the same extent as in the time

of Aliverdi Khan, the English would have been prevented

from invading Bengal, and from sending thither the reinforcements

which had contributed so much to their success

on the Madras Coast. All this depended on us, but how

could we foresee the succession of events which has been as

contrary to us as it has been favourable to the English? As

it was, we remained quiet, and the rash valour of the young

Nawab of Purneah, whilst it delivered Siraj-ud-daula from

the only enemy he had to fear in the country, made it clear

to the whole of Bengal that the change so much desired

could be effected only by the English."

Мир Джафар и другие военачальники армии наваба уже собирались объявить о поддержке Сауката Джанга, когда Рамнараин [80], наиб Патны, прибыл на помощь Сирадж-уд-Дауле. Пока мятежники колебались, не зная, как поступить, Саукат Джанг предпринял опрометчивую атаку на армию наваба и был застрелен в ходе боя.

"Behold him then, freed by this event from all his

inquietudes; detested, it is true, but feared even by those

who only knew him by name. In a country where predestination

has so much power over the mind, the star of

Siraj-ud-daula was, people said, predominant. Nothing could

resist him. He was himself persuaded of this. Sure of the

good fortune which protected him, he abandoned himself

more than ever to those passions which urged him to the

commission of every imaginable form of violence.

"It can be guessed what we had to suffer, we and the

Dutch, at Cossimbazar. Demand followed demand, and insult

followed insult, on the part of the native officers and soldiers;

for they, forming their behaviour on that of their master,

thought they could not sufficiently show their contempt for

everything European. We could not go outside of our Factories

without being exposed to annoyance of one kind or another."

Все в стране устремили полные надежды взоры на англичан, но те оставались бездействующими в Фулте, и казалось, что помощь из Мадраса никогда не придет. Англичане поэтому попытались совершить в Муршидабаде выгодный для себя переворот и стали искать людей, которых можно было бы склонить к его осуществлению; однако это было непросто, поскольку мавры-аристократы мало знали европейцев. Что же касается индусов в Бенгалии, то —

"the best informed were the bankers and merchants, who

by their commercial correspondence had been in a position

to learn many things. The house of Jagat Seth, for instance,

was likely to help the English all the more because to its

knowledge of them it joined several causes of complaint

against Siraj-ud-daula. Up to the death of Aliverdi Khan

it had always enjoyed the greatest respect. It was this

family which had conducted almost all his financial business,

and it may be said that it had long been the chief cause of

all the revolutions in Bengal. But now things were much

changed. Siraj-ud-daula, the most inconsiderate of men,

never supposing that he would need the assistance of mere

bankers, or that he could ever have any reason to fear them,

never showed them the slightest politeness. He wanted

their wealth, and some day or other it was certain he would

seize it. These bankers, then, were the persons to serve the

English. They could by themselves have formed a party,

and, even without the assistance of any Europeans, have

put another Nawab upon the throne and re-established the

English, but this would have required much time. Business

moves very slowly amongst Indians, and this would not have

suited the English. The bankers also were Hindus, and of

a race which does not like to risk danger. To stimulate

them to action it was necessary for the English to commence

operations and achieve some initial successes, and as yet

there seemed no likelihood of their doing so. To negotiate

with Siraj-ud-daula for a peaceful re-establishment was quite

as difficult, unless they were inclined to accept the very

hardest conditions, for the Nawab had now the most extravagant

contempt for all Europeans; a pair of slippers, he

said, is all that is needed to govern them."

Как раз в тот момент, когда казалось, что англичанам придется покориться условиям наваба, они получили известие об отправке подкреплений из Мадраса. Примерно тогда же как французам, так и англичанам стало известно, что в мае предшествовавшего года Франция и Англия объявили друг другу войну [81]. Англичане, разумеется, ничего об этом не упоминали, а французы слишком жаждали увидеть наваба основательно разбитым, чтобы чинить им какие-либо ненужные препятствия. Переговоры с друзьями европейцев в Муршидабаде тихо продолжались до прибытия адмирала Уотсона и полковника Клайва. После этого последовало стремительное продвижение к Калькупте, которая была взята почти без сопротивления.

Сирадж-уд-Даула был настолько мало встревожен отвоеванием Калькутты, что французы думали, будто все завершится мирным путем; однако, возможно, из-за репутации Уотсона и Клайва, столь долго воевавших против французов [82], они полагали вероятным, что если англичане потребуют компенсации за свои убытки, наваб позволит им возместить их путем захвата французских факторий. Поэтому господин Рено написал Ло с тем, чтобы убедиться: в любой договор между навабом и англичанами будет внесена статья, предусматривающая нейтралитет Ганга; но французы на тот момент тревожились понапрасну. Англичане не собирались тихонько возвращаться в страну. Уотсон и Клайв обратились к навабу с надменными письмами, требуя возмещения за причиненные англичанам обиды; а адмирал и Совет объявили войну от имени короля и Компании. Это, возможно, позабавило наваба, который оставил их письма без внимания; однако все изменилось, когда небольшой английский отряд поднялся по Хугли, прошел мимо Шандернагора без сопротивления со стороны французов, захватил форт Хугли, сжег города Хугли [83] и Бандел и опустошил оба берега реки вплоть до Калькупты. Французы оказались в неловком положении. Англичане прошли мимо Шандернагора без салюта, что являлось недружелюбным, если не враждебным актом; в то же время наваб считал, что раз французы по ним не стреляли, значит, они состоят с ними в союзе. Ло пришлось принять на себя всю тяжесть этих подозрений. Здравый смысл подсказывал ему, что англичане никогда не согласятся на нейтралитет, и он написал Рено, что присоединение к маврам абсолютно необходимо.

"The neutrality was by no means obligatory, as no treaty

existed. In fact, what confidence could we have in a forced

neutrality, which had been observed so long only out of

fear of the Nawab, who for the general good of the country

was unwilling to allow any act of hostility to be committed

by the Europeans? Much more so when the English were

at war with the Nawab himself. If they managed to get

the better of him, what would become of this fear, the sole

foundation of the neutrality?"

Итак, Ло написал Рено, умоляя его — если он не может сразу убедить англичан подписать договор о нейтралитете — принять решение и присоединиться к навабу. Мы уже видели, почему Рено не мог сделать ни того, ни другого, и Ло, рассуждая задним числом, пишет с достаточным великодушием: —

"I am bound to respect the reasons which determined

M. Renault as well as the gentlemen of the Council, who

were all much too good citizens not to have kept constantly

in their minds the welfare of our nation and the Company.

People always do see things differently, and the event does

not always prove the correctness or incorrectness of the

reasons which have decided us to take one or the other course."

Как только наваб услышал о грабеже Хугли, он выступил к Калькутте, но для отвода глаз англичанам попросил господина Рено выступить посредником между ними. Отказ англичан вести переговоры через французов привел к прояснению отношений между последними и навабом; однако он никак не мог взять в толк, почему французы не хотят оказывать ему активную содействия. Убедившись в любом случае, что ему приходится иметь дело исключительно с одними англичанами, он по глупости сыграл им на руку, выступив сражаться с ними на их собственной территории, в то время как, оставайся он бездеятельным на некотором расстоянии и просто запрещая подвоз провизии, он мог бы уморить их голодом и выбить из Калькупты за несколько месяцев. Как я уже говорил ранее, Клайв атаковал его лагерь 5 февраля и до того перепугал его, что он согласился на позорный мир, в котором забыл упомянуть о нейтралитете Ганга. Ло рассказывает любопытную историю о том, что больше всего наваба испугало письмо адмирала Уотсона, в котором тот угрожал взять его в плен и увезти в Англию. Письмо Уотсона сохранилось и не содержит подобных угроз, но вполне возможно, что навабу оно было истолковано именно так.

Хотя наваб заверил англичан, что у него будут те же друзья и враги, что и у них, и не упомянул французов в договоре, теперь он по собственной воле отдал французам все то, что англичане исторгли из него силой. Этот поступок невозможно было сохранить в тайне.

"A great fault at present, and which has always existed,

in the management of affairs in India, especially in Bengal,

is that nothing is secret. Scarcely had the Nawab formed

any project when it was known to the lowest of his slaves.

The English, who were suspicious, and who had for friends

every one who was an enemy of Siraj-ud-daula, whom all

detested, were soon informed of his proposals to M. Renault

and of the letters written on both sides."

И все же Ло считает, что лишь европейская война и опасения, будто Рено замышляет союз с навабом, побудили англичан пойти на крайние меры:

"The dethronement of the Nawab had become an absolute

necessity. To drive us out of Bengal was only a preliminary

piece of work. A squadron of ours with considerable forces

might arrive. Siraj-ud-daula might join his forces to it.

What, then, would become of the English? They needed

for Nawab a man attached to their interests. Besides, this

revolution was not so difficult to carry out as one might

imagine. With Chandernagore destroyed, nothing could be

more easy; but even if we were left alone the revolution

could have been effected by the junction of the English with

the forces which would have been produced against Siraj-ud-daula

by the crowd of enemies whom he had, and amongst

whom were to be counted the most respectable persons in

the three provinces.[84] This statement demands an explanation.

I have already spoken of the house of Jagat Seth, or

rather of its chiefs, who are named Seth Mahtab Rai and Seth

Sarup Chand, bankers of the Mogul, the richest and most

powerful merchants who have ever lived. They are, I can

say, the movers of the revolution. Without them the English

would never have carried out what they have. I have

already said they were not pleased with Siraj-ud-daula, who

did not show them the same respect as the old Nawab

Aliverdi Khan had done; but the arrival of the English

forces, the capture of the Moorish forts, and the fright of

the Nawab before Calcutta, had made a change which was

apparently in their favour. The Nawab began to perceive

that the bankers were necessary to him. The English

would have no one except them as mediators, and so they

had become, as it were, responsible for the behaviour of

both the Nawab and the English. Accordingly after the

Peace there was nothing but kindness and politeness from

the Nawab towards them, and he consulted them in everything.

At the bottom this behaviour of his was sheer

trickery. The Seths were persuaded that the Nawab who

hated the English must also dislike the persons whom the

English employed. Profiting by the hatred which the

Nawab had drawn on himself by his violence, and distributing

money judiciously, they had long since gained over

those who were nearest to the Nawab, whose imprudence

always enabled them to know what he had in his heart.

From what came to the knowledge of the Seths it was easy

to guess what he intended, and this made them tremble, for

it was nothing less than their destruction, which could be

averted only by his own. The cause of the English had

become that of the Seths; their interests were identical. Can

one be surprised to see them acting in concert? Further,

when one remembers that it was this same house of bankers

that overthrew Sarfaraz Khan[85] to enthrone Aliverdi Khan,

and who, during the reign of the latter, had the management

of all important business, one must confess that it ought not

to be difficult for persons of so much influence to execute a

project in which, the English were taking a share."[86]

Ло не смог убедить Рено действовать, и без этого шансы на успех были практически потеряны. Тем не менее он упорно трудился над созданием французской партии при дворе. Через Коджу Ваджида, армянского купца из Хугли, имущество которого было разграблено англичанами, он добился аудиенции у наваба и убедил его отправить 2000 солдат, находившихся с Рено в начале осады. Было бы отправлено и больше, если бы не кажущаяся неизбежность подписания договора о нейтралитете. На самом деле Рено был так встревожен тем, что после жалоб Уотсона и Клайва на то, что Ло настраивает наваба против англичан, он написал Ло письмо, из-за которого тот попросил об отзове из Кассимбазара; и лишь по настоятельной просьбе Рено он согласился остаться на своем посту. Ло продолжал формировать свою партию.

"It would appear from the English memoirs that we

corrupted the whole Durbar at Murshidabad to our side by

presents and lies. I might with justice retort this reproach.

As a matter of fact, except Siraj-ud-daula himself, one may

say the English had the whole Durbar always in their

favour. Without insisting on this point, let us honestly

agree, since the English themselves confess it, that we were,

like them, much engaged in opposing corruption to corruption

in order to gain the friendship of scoundrels so as to

place ourselves on equal terms with our enemies. This has

always happened, and ought not to cause surprise in a Court

where right counts for nothing and, every other motive apart,

one can never be successful except by the weight of what

one puts in the balance of iniquity. For the rest, right

or wrong, it is certain that the English were always in a

position to put in more than we could.

"Fear and greed are the two chief motives of Indian

minds. Everything depends on one or the other. Often

they are combined towards the same object, but, when they

are opposed, fear always conquers. A proof of this is easily

to be seen in all the events connected with, the revolution

in Bengal. When, in 1756, Siraj-ud-daula determined to

expel the English, fear and greed combined to make him

act. As soon as he had himself proved the superiority of

the English troops, fear took the upper hand in his mind,

grew stronger day by day, and soon put him in a condition

in which he was unable to follow, and often even to see, his

true interests.

"I mention the Nawab first. His hatred for the English

certainly indicated friendship for us. I think so myself, but

we have seen what was his character and his state of mind

in general. I ask, in all good faith, whether we could expect

any advantage from his friendship? This person, cowed by

fear, irresolute and imprudent, could he alone be of any use

to us? It was necessary for him to be supported by some

one who had his confidence and was capable by his own

firmness of fixing the irresolution of the Prince.

"Mohan Lal, chief Diwan of Siraj-ud-daula, was this

man, the greatest scoundrel the earth has ever borne, worthy

minister of such a master, and yet, in truth, the only person

who was really attached to him. He had firmness and also

sufficient judgment to understand that the ruin of Siraj-ud-daula

must necessarily bring on his own. He was as much,

detested as his master. The sworn enemy of the Seths, and

capable of holding his own against them, I think those

bankers would not have succeeded so easily in their project

if he had been free to act, but, unfortunately for us, he had

been for some time, and was at this most critical moment

dangerously ill. He could not leave his house. I went to

see him twice with Siraj-ud-daula, but it was not possible to

get a word from him. There is strong reason to believe he

had been poisoned. Owing to this, Siraj-ud-daula saw himself

deprived of his only support.

"Coja Wajid, who had introduced me to the Nawab, and

who, it would be natural to suppose, was our patron, was a

great merchant of Hugli. He was consulted by the Nawab

only because, as he had frequented the Europeans and especially

the English, the Nawab imagined he knew them perfectly.

He was one of the most timid of men, who wanted

to be polite to everybody, and who, had he seen the dagger

raised, would have thought he might offend Siraj-ud-daula

by warning him that some one intended to assassinate him.[87]

Possibly he did not love the Seths, but he feared them,

which was sufficient to make him useless to us.

"Rai Durlabh Ram, the other Diwan of the Nawab, was

the man to whom I was bound to trust most. Before the

arrival of Clive he might have been thought the enemy of

the English. It was he who pretended to have beaten them

and to have taken Calcutta. He wished, he said, to maintain

his reputation; but after the affair of the 5th of February,

in which the only part he took was to share in the flight, he

was not the same man; he feared nothing so much as to

have to fight the English. This fear disposed him to gradually

come to terms with the Seths, of whose greatness he

was very jealous. He also hated the Nawab, by whom he

had been ill-used on many occasions. In short, I could never

get him to say a single word in our favour in the Durbar.

The fear of compromising himself made him decide to remain

neutral for the present, though firmly resolved to join finally

the side which appeared to him to be the strongest."

Таковой, следовательно, была французская партия, единственной связующей нитью которой было неприятие Сетхов и члены которой из-за робости или слабого здоровья не могли действовать. Иначе обстояло дело с их врагами.

"The English had on their side in the Durbar the terror

of their arms, the faults of Siraj-ud-daula, the ruling influence

and the refined policy of the Seths, who, to conceal their game

more completely, and knowing that it pleased the Nawab,

often spoke all the ill they could think of about the English,

so as to excite him against them and at the same time gain

his confidence. The Nawab fell readily into the snare, and

said everything that came into his mind, thus enabling his

enemies to guard against all the evil which otherwise he

might have managed to do them. The English had also on

their side all the chief officers in the Nawab's army—Jafar

All Khan, Khodadad Khan Latty, and a number of others

who were attached to them by their presents or the influence

of the Seths, all the ministers of the old Court whom

Siraj-ud-daula had disgraced, nearly all the secretaries,[88] the

writers[89] of the Durbar, and even the eunuchs of the harem.

What might they not expect to achieve by the union of all

these forces when guided by so skilful a man as Mr. Watts?"

Имея таких врагов при самом дворе, Ло услышал, что англичане движутся на Шандернагор. Ценой невероятных усилий он добился приказа об отправке подкреплений французам. Они —

"were ready to start, the soldiers had been paid, the Commandant[90]

waited only for final orders. I went to see him

and promised him a large sum if he succeeded in raising the

siege of Chandernagore. I also visited several of the chief

officers, to whom I promised rewards proportionate to their

rank. I represented to the Nawab that Chandernagore must

be certainly captured if the reinforcements did not set out

at once, and I tried to persuade him to give his orders to

the Commandant in my presence. 'All is ready,' replied the

Nawab, 'but before resorting to arms it is proper to try all

possible means to avoid a rupture, and all the more so as the

English have just promised to obey the orders I shall send

them.'[91] I recognized the hand of the Seths in these details.

They encouraged the Nawab in a false impression about this

affair. On the one hand, they assured him that the march

of the English, was only to frighten us into subscribing to

a treaty of neutrality, and on the other hand they increased

his natural timidity by exaggerating the force of the English

and by representing the risk he ran in assisting us with

reinforcements which would probably not prevent the capture

of Chandernagore if the English were determined to take it,

but would serve as a reason for the English to attack the

Nawab himself. They managed so well that they destroyed

in the evening all the effect I had produced in the morning.

"I resolved to visit the bankers. They immediately

commenced talking about our debts, and called my attention

to the want of punctuality in our payments. I said that

this was not the question just now, and that I came to them

upon a much more interesting matter, which, however, concerned

them as well as us with respect to those very debts

for which they were asking payment and security. I asked

why they supported the English against us. They denied it,

and, after much explanation, they promised to make any

suggestions I wished to the Nawab. They added that they

were quite sure the English would not attack us, and that

I might remain tranquil. Knowing that they were well

acquainted with the designs of the English, I told them I

knew as well as they did what these were, and that I saw

no way of preventing them from attacking Chandernagore

except by hastening the despatch of the reinforcements which

the Nawab had promised, and that as they were disposed to

serve me, I begged them to make the Nawab understand the

same. They replied that the Nawab wished to avoid any

rupture with the English, and they said many other things

which only showed me that, in spite of their good will, they

would do nothing for us. Ranjit Rai, who was their man

of business as well as the agent of the English, said to me

in a mocking tone, 'You are a Frenchman; are you afraid of

the English? If they attack you, defend yourselves! No

one is ignorant of what your nation has done on the Madras

Coast, and we are curious to see how you will come off in

this business here.' I told him I did not expect to find such

a warlike person in a Bengali merchant, and that sometimes

people repented of their curiosity. That was enough for such

a fellow, but I saw clearly that the laugh would not be on

my side. However, every one was very polite, and I left

the house."

Ло полагает, что Сетхи искренне верили, будто поход англичан на Шандернагор преследует лишь цель запугать французов, и в доказательство их дружелюбия приводит еще один эпизод этого визита:

"The conversation having turned on Siraj-ud-daula, on

the reasons he had given the Seths to fear him, and on his

violent character, I said I understood clearly enough what

they meant, and that they certainly wanted to set up another

Nawab. The Seths, instead of denying this, contented themselves

with saying in a low voice that this was a subject

which should not be talked about. Omichand, the English

agent[92] (who, by the way, cried 'Away with them!' wherever

he went), was present. If the fact had been false, the Seths

would certainly have denied it, and would have reproached

me for talking in such a way. If they had even thought

I intended to thwart them, they would also have denied

it, but considering all that had happened, the vexations

caused us by the Nawab and our obstinate refusals to help

him, they imagined that we should be just as content as they

were to see him deposed, provided only the English would

leave us in peace. In fact, they did not as yet regard us as

enemies."

Однако Ло не знал, что Клайв уже пообещал — или сделал это вскоре после — передать имущество Французской компании Сетхам в уплату долга, который французы перед ними имели; но теперь он впервые в полной мере осознал всю серьезность ситуации. Опрометчивость Сетхов открыла ему весь масштаб заговора, и тем же вечером он рассказал об этом навабу, но —

"the poor young man began to laugh, not being able to

imagine I could be so foolish as to indulge in such ideas."

И в то же время, отказываясь верить в измену своих офицеров, наваб порой предавался самым яростным вспышкам гнева против них.

"Siraj-ud-daula was not master of himself.[93] It would

have needed as much firmness in his character as there was

deceitfulness to make the latter quality of use to him. At

certain times his natural disposition overmastered him,

especially when in his harem surrounded by his wives and

servants, when he was accustomed to say openly all that

was in his heart. Sometimes this happened to him in full

Durbar."

В тот же вечер мистер Уотс прибыл в дурбар, и вопрос о нейтралитете был обсужден. Наваб хотел, чтобы оба джентльмена обязали свои народы сохранять мир, однако мистер Уотс искусно уклонился от каких-либо обещаний и предложил навабу написать адмиралу. Ло, видя, что преследуется цель лишь затянуть время, воскликнул, что адмирал отнесется к этому письму с таким же пренебрежением, как и к предыдущим посланиям наваба.

"'How?' said the Nawab, looking angrily at me instead

of at Mr. Watts: 'who am I then?' All the members of his

Court cried out together that his orders would certainly be

attended to."

Как и ожидал Ло, Шандернагор был атакован до того, как был получен ответ адмирала. Ло получил известие 15-го числа и поспешил к навабу. Подкрепления то отдавались под приказ о выступлении, то отменялись. В полночь евнух наваба пришел сообщить Ло, что англичане были отбиты с потерями, а утром 16-го числа войскам наваба было приказано наступать; однако, когда в тот же день пришло известие, что французы отступили в форт, все закричали, что форт падет и что посылать войска вниз по реке — чистое безумие, раздражающее англичан. Их немедленно отозвали. Затем пришло известие, что форт держится, и Раю Дурлабху Раму было приказано наступать. Вновь появились ложные слухи о падении форта. Ло знал, что Рай Дурлабх — трус, и все его упование возлагалось на второго по командованию, Мир Мадана:

"a capable officer, and one who would have attacked the

enemy with pleasure."

Говорят, этот Мир Мадан был индусом, принявшим ислам. Местные поэмы до сих пор повествуют о доблести, с которой он командовал индусскими солдатами наваба. Он пал одним из первых при Плесси, и хотя нельзя сказать, что его смерть стала причиной поражения в битве, несомненно то, что она положила конец всяким шансам на продолжение борьбы за победу.

Ло был в полном отчаянии. Было не до мелочей, и, чтобы сразу узнать худшее, он перехватил письма мистера Уотса. Из них он понял, что англичане намерены идти прямо на Муршидабад. Он приступил к укреплению ограды вокруг французской фактории и, поскольку у него было всего 10 или 12 человек, убедил наваба прислать ему туземного офицера со 100 мушкетерами. Вскоре он узнал, что сообщаемое о продвижении англичан — это лишь преследование беглецов из Шандернагора, о которых упоминалось в предыдущей главе. К концу марта у него было 60 европейцев:

"of whom the half, in truth, were not fit to serve; but what

did that matter? The number was worth 120 to me outside

the fort, since rumour always delights in exaggeration."

Что же касается сипаев, отпущенных англичанами на свободу, то около 30 из них добрались до Ло, и он теперь настолько не боялся мистера Уотса, что уже самому мистеру Уотсу пришлось просить у наваба защиты.

Колебания, отличавшие поведение наваба до падения Шандернагора, продолжались. Он защищал Ло, но не хотел помогать ему деньгами.

"Further, at the solicitation of my enemies, the Nawab

sent people to pull down the earthworks I had erected. He

even wished the native agent of the English to be present.

In my life I have never suffered what I did that day. To

the orders of the Nawab I replied that so long as I was in

the Factory no foreigner should touch my fortifications, but

that to keep my agreement with him I was ready to withdraw

and to make over the Factory to him, with which he

could afterwards do as he liked, and for which I should hold

him responsible. At the same time, I made my whole troop

arm themselves, and, having had my munitions loaded on

carts for several days previous, I prepared to depart with

the small amount of money which belonged to me and to

a few other individuals. The Nawab's officer, seeing my

resolution, and fearing to do anything which, might not be

approved, postponed the execution of his orders, and informed

the Nawab of what was happening. He replied that he

absolutely forbade my leaving the Factory, and ordered the

pioneers to be sent away; but at the same time he informed

me that it was absolutely necessary for me to pull down the

earthworks, that under the present circumstances he had

himself to do many things contrary to his own wishes, that

by refusing to obey I should draw the English upon him

and upon us, that we could not defend ourselves and must

therefore submit, that I should not be troubled any more,

and that, finally, he would give me money enough to build

in brick what I had wished to make in earth. I knew well

the value of his promises, but I was forced to humour him.

It did not suit me to abandon the Factory altogether, so I set

my workmen to pull down what I had built, and the same

night the work was finished."

Англичане теперь пытались переманить французских солдат и преуспели в этом, поскольку многие из них были дезертирами из британских войск и быстро поняли, сколь шатко убежище, которое мог предоставить им Ло; однако наваба невозможно было убедить принудить Ло к капитуляции, и хотя он согласился покинуть страну, Ло заявлял, что не сделает и этого, если не получит паспорта и деньги. 8 апреля он получил паспорта и обещание, что если он отправится в Пулбари, близ Патны, то получит там все необходимое. Ему было дано четыре-пять дней на сборы.

"I profited by this interval to persuade the only man

who dared speak for us to got to action. This was the Nazir

Dalal, a man of no importance, but at the same time a man

in whom the Nawab appeared to have some confidence. As

he was constantly at the Factory, I had opportunities of telling

him many things of particular interest to the Nawab, and I

believed that by politeness and presents I had brought him

over to our interests. A little later, however, I learned that

he received quite as much from the English as from us. He

told the Nawab all that he learned from me, viz. the views

of the English and of the Seths, and the risk he himself was

running, and he brought to his notice that the English were

steadily increasing their garrison at Cossimbazar by bringing

up soldiers who pretended they were deserters and wished to

pass over to the Trench. By this trick, indeed, many soldiers

had passed through the Moorish camp without being stopped.

There was also talk of an English fleet preparing to come up

and waiting only for the Nawab's permission. The Nazir

Dalal represented to him that the trading boats might be

loaded with ammunition, and that they ought to be strictly

searched, and the casks and barrels opened, as guns and

mortars might be found in them. The Nawab opened his

eyes at information of this kind, and promptly sent the Nazir

Dalal to tell me not to leave. This order came on the 10th

of April. I accordingly passed my garrison in review before

the Nawab's agent, and a statement showing the monthly

pay of each officer and soldier was sent to the Nawab, who

promised to pay them accordingly."

12 апреля Ло получил неожиданный вызов явиться в дурбар на следующий день.

"After some reflection, I determined to obey. I thought

that by taking presents I could avoid the inconveniences I

feared, so I arranged to start early on the morning of the 13th

with five or six persons well armed. A slight rain detained

us till 10 o'clock. On leaving I told my people that M.

Sinfray was their commandant, and ordered him, if I did not

return by 2 o'clock, to send a detachment of forty men to

meet me. We arrived at the Nawab's palace about midday.

He had retired to his harem. We were taken into the

Audience Hall, where they brought us a very bad dinner.

The Nawab, they said, would soon come. However, 5 o'clock

had struck and he had not yet dressed. During this wearisome

interval I was visited by some of the Diwans, among

others by the Arzbegi.[94] I asked him why the Nawab had

called me. He replied with an appearance of sincerity that

as the Nawab was constantly receiving complaints from the

English, about the numerous garrison we had in our Factory,

he had judged it proper to summon both Mr. Watts and

myself in order to reconcile us, and that he hoped to arrange

matters so that the English should have nothing to fear from

us nor we from them. He added that the Nawab was quite

satisfied with my behaviour, and wished me much good. At

last the Durbar hour arrives. I am warned. I pass into a

hall, where I find Mr. Watts and a number of Diwans. The

agent of the Seths is present Compliments having passed,

one of the Diwans asks me if I have anything particular to

say to Mr. Watts. I answer that I have not. Thereupon

Mr. Watts addresses me in English: 'The question is, sir,

whether you are prepared to surrender your Factory to me

and to go down to Calcutta with all your people. You will

be well treated, and will be granted the same conditions as

the gentlemen of Chandernagore. This is the Nawab's wish.'

I reply I will do nothing of the kind, that I and all those

with me are free, that if I am forced to leave Cossimbazar

I will surrender the Factory to the Nawab, and to no one else.

Mr. Watts, turning round to the Diwans, says excitedly, that

it is impossible to do anything with me, and repeats to them

word for word all that has passed between us.

"From that moment I saw clearly that the air of the

Court was not healthy for us. It was, however, necessary to

put a good face on matters. The Arzbegi and some others,

taking me aside, begged me to consider what I was doing in

refusing Mr. Watts's propositions, and said that as the Nawab

was determined to have a good understanding with the

English, he would force me to accept them. They then

asked what I intended to do. I said I intended to stay at

Cossimbazar and to oppose, to the utmost of my power, the

ambitious designs of the English. 'Well, well, what can

you do?' they replied. 'You are about a hundred Europeans;

the Nawab has no need of you; you will certainly be forced

to leave this place. It would be much better to accept the

terms offered you by Mr. Watts.' The same persons who had

begged me to do this then took Mr. Watts aside. I do not

know what they said to each other, but a quarter of an hour

after they went into the hall where the Nawab was.

"I was in the utmost impatience to know the result of

all these parleyings, so much the more as from some words

that had escaped them I had reason to think they intended

to arrest me.

"Fire or six minutes after Mr. Watts had gone to the

Nawab, the Arzbegi, accompanied by some officers and the

agents of the Seths and the English, came and told me aloud,

in the presence of some fifty persons of rank, that the Nawab

ordered me to submit myself entirely to what Mr. Watts

demanded. I told him I would not, and that it was

impossible for the Nawab to have given such an order.

I demanded to be presented to him. 'The Nawab,' they

said, 'does not wish to see you.' I replied, 'It was he who

summoned me; I will not go away till I have seen him.'

The Arzbegi saw I had no intention of giving way, and that

I was well supported, for at this very moment word was

brought of the arrival of our grenadiers, who had been

ordered to come and meet me. Disappointed at not seeing

me appear, they had advanced to the very gates of the palace.

The Arzbegi, not knowing what would be the result of this

affair, and wishing to get out of the scrape and to throw the

burden of it on to the Seths' agent, said to him, 'Do you

speak, then; this affair concerns you more than us.' The

Seths' agent wished to speak, but I did not give him time.

I said I would not listen to him, that I did not recognize

him as having any authority, and that I had no business

at all with him. Thereupon the Arzbegi went back to the

Nawab and told him I would not listen to reason, and that

I demanded to speak to him. 'Well, let him come,' said

the Nawab, 'but he must come alone.' At the same time

he asked Mr. Watts to withdraw and wait for him in a

cabinet. The order to appear being given me, I wish to

go—another difficulty! The officers with me do not wish to

let me go alone! A great debate between them and the

Nawab's officers! At last, giving way to my entreaties,

and on my assuring them that I have no fears, I persuade

them to be quiet and to let me go.

"I presented myself before the Nawab, who returned my

salute in a kindly manner. As soon as I was seated, he told

me, in a shamefaced way, that I must either accept Mr.

Watts's proposals, or must certainly leave his territories.

Your nation is the cause, he said, of all the importunities I

now suffer from the English. I do not wish to put the whole country

in trouble for your sake. You are not strong enough to defend

yourselves; you must give way. You ought to remember that when I had

need of your assistance you always refused it. You ought not to

expect assistance from me now.

"It must be confessed that, after all our behaviour to

him, I had not much to reply. I noticed, however, that the

Nawab kept his eyes cast down, and that it was, as it were,

against his will that he paid me this compliment. I told

him I should be dishonoured if I accepted Mr. Watts's proposals,

but that as he was absolutely determined to expel us

from his country, I was ready to withdraw, and that as soon

as I had the necessary passports I would go towards Patna.

At this every one in concert, except the Nawab and Coja

Wajid, cried out that I could not take that road, that the

Nawab would not consent to it. I asked what road they

wished me to take. They said I must go towards Midnapur

or Cuttack. I answered that the English might at any

moment march in that direction and fall upon me. They

replied I must get out of the difficulty as best I could. The

Nawab, meanwhile, kept his face bent down, listening

attentively, but saying nothing. Wishing to force him to

speak, I asked if it was his intention to cause me to fall into

the hands of my enemies? 'No, no,' replied the Nawab,

'take what road you please, and may God conduct you.' I

stood up and thanked him, received the betel,[95] and went out."

Гулам Хусаин Хан говорит, что наваб был глубоко тронут расставанием с Ло, поскольку теперь он уверовал в истинность его предостережений против англичан и английской партии,

"but as he did not dare to keep him in his service for fear

of offending the English, he told him that at present it was

fit that he should depart; but that if anything new should

happen he would send for him again. 'Send for me again?'

answered Law. 'Rest assured, my Lord Nawab, that this is

the last time we shall see each other. Remember my words: we

shall never meet again. It is nearly impossible."

Ло поспешил обратно на свою факторию и к вечеру 15 апреля был готов к отбытию. В тот же день наваб написал Клайву:

"Mr. Law I have put out of the city, and have wrote

expressly to my Naib[96] at Patna to turn him and his attendants

out of the bounds of his Subaship, and that he shall not

suffer them to stay in any place within it."[97]

В конце апреля наваб написал Абдулле Хану, афганскому военачальнику в Дели, что выделил Ло 10 000 рупий. Клайв быстро узнал об этом.

Утром 16-го числа французы прошли через Муршидабад с развернутыми знаменами и бьющими барабанами, готовые к любой неожиданности на узких устьях и улицах города. Мистер Уотс написал Клайву:

"They had 100 Europeans, 60 Tellingees, 30 hackerys"

(i.e. bullock-waggons) "and 4 elephants with them."[98]

Следом за ними шли два шпиона, посланных митером Уотсом, чтобы попытаться склонить на свою сторону французских солдат и сипаев. Ло оставил некоего г-на Бугро за главного на французской фактории.

Вскоре после выезда из Кассимбазара к Ло присоединился отряд из 45 человек, в основном матросов с корабля «Сент-Контест», которым удалось спастись от англичан. 2 мая французы прибыли в Бхагалпур, причем наваб писал им двигаться дальше всякий раз, когда узнавал, что они остановились, и идти не так быстро, когда ему сообщали, что они в пути.

"To satisfy him we should have been always in motion

and yet not advancing; this did not suit us. It was of the

utmost importance to arrive at some place where I could

find means for the equipment of my troop. We were

destitute of everything."

Эти противоречивые приказы и даже письма с требованием вернуться доходили до Ло во время марша, но, хотя он отправил назад г-на Синфрея с письмами к г-ну Бугро и Кодже Ваджиду — которые последний впоследствии передал Клайву, — он продолжил свой поход на Патну, куда прибыл 3 июня и был тепло принят раджей Рамнараином. Там он находился в четырех-пяти днях пути или плавания от Сути, устья Муршидабадской или Кассимбазарской реки, и, следовательно, имел возможность присоединиться к навабу в любой момент, когда это потребуется.

Тем временем судьба отомстила Ло за одного из его мелких недругов. Этим недругом был Ранжит Рай, оскорбивший его во время встречи с Сетхами. Последние придерживались своей давней политики подстрекания англичан предъявлять чрезмерные требования, которые они в то же время убеждали наваба отвергнуть. Чтобы оправдать одно из таких требований, англичане предъявили письмо, написанное рукой Ранжита Рая и якобы составленное под диктовку Сетхов по указанию наваба. Наваб отрицал наличие каких-либо указаний, а Сетхи незамедлительно заявили, что всё письмо является подделкой их агента.

"The notorious Ranjit Rai was driven in disgrace from

the Durbar, banished, and assassinated on the road. It was

said he had received 2 lakhs from the English to apply his

masters' seal unknown to them. I can hardly believe this.

This agent was attached to the English only because he knew

the Seths were devoted to them."

Этот инцидент предупредил Сетхов о необходимости быть осторожнее, однако заговор против наваба был уже хорошо известен в стране. Рено, находившийся в то время в заключении в Калькутте, рассказывает:

"Never was a conspiracy conducted as publicly and with

such indiscretion as this was, both by the Moors and the

English. Nothing else was talked about in all the English

settlements, and whilst every place echoed with the noise of

it, the Nawab, who had a number of spies, was ignorant of

everything. Nothing can prove more clearly the general

hatred which was felt towards him."[99]

Господин Синфрей вернулся в Муршидабад, но не мог добиться аудиенции у наваба до 8 июня, когда застал его по-прежнему совершенно спокойным; и даже 10 июня наваб писал Ло, чтобы тот не опасался за него, но это письмо дошло до Ло лишь 19 июня.

"I complained of the delay in the strongest terms to

Ramnarain, who received the packets from the Nawab, but it

was quite useless. The Nawab was betrayed by those whom

he thought most attached to him. The Faujdar of Rajmehal

used to stop all his messengers and detain them as long as

he thought fit."

Этот офицер приходился братом Мир Джафару. Сетхи и англичане уже давно главной трудностью на своем пути считали выбор человека, обладающего достаточным авторитетом, чтобы заменить Сирадж-уд-Даулу на троне. В этот момент сам наваб преподнес им в качестве лидера Мир Джафар Али Хана, который был женат на сестре Аливерди Хана и, следовательно, приходился ему родственником. Мир Джафар был бакши, то есть казначеем и главнокомандующим армии, и его влияние в огромной степени способствовало мирному восшествию Сирадж-уд-Даулы на престол. Он был человеком с хорошей репутацией, храбрым и искусным военачальником. Именно такого человека наваб после череды мелких оскорблений счел возможным обругать самыми грязными словами в полном дурбаре и безжалостно сместить с его поста. Теперь он прислушался к предложениям Сетхов, и ближе к концу апреля между ним и англичанами были улажены условия. Фактическое заключение договора состоялось в начале июня, и 13-го числа того же месяца мистер Уотс и другие английские джентльмены в Кассимбазаре бежали под предлогом охотничьей экспедиции и благополучно соединились с Клайвом. Как только он услышал об этом, наваб понял, что война неизбежна, причем она началась в момент, когда он распустил половину своей армии, не выплатив жалование, а вторая половина роптала из-за долгов. Он не только оскорбил Мир Джафара, но и умудрился поссориться с Раем Дурлабхом. Вместо того чтобы попытаться отложить конфликт до тех пор, пока он не сокрушит этих двух опасных врагов, он умолял их примириться с ним и отдал себя в их руки. Письмо за письмом отправлялись с требованием вернуть Ло, но даже первое из них, отправленное 13-го числа, дошло до Ло лишь 22-го из-за предательства фоуджара Раджмехала. Письмо Ло с мольбой к навабу дождаться его прибытия определенно никогда не дошло до него, и хотя Ло выступил при первом же слухе об опасности, еще до получения письма наваба, он добрался до Раджмехала лишь 1 июля. Наваб был захвачен в окрестностях за несколько часов до прибытия его авангарда. Гулам Хусаин Хан говорит, что Ло успел бы вовремя, если бы последняя денежная пересылка наваба была переводным векселем, а не распоряжением казначейству, поскольку —

"as slowness of motion seems to be of etiquette with the

people of Hindustan, the disbursing of the money took up

so much time that when M. Law was come down as far

Rajmehal, he found that all was over."

Ло, который был неисправимым философом, заметил по поводу этой неудачи:

"In saving Siraj-ud-daula we should have scored a great

success, but possibly he would have been saved for a short

time only. He would have found enemies and traitors

wherever he might have presented himself in the countries

supposed to be subject to him. No one would have acknowledged

him. Forced by Mir Jafar and the English to flee to

a foreign country, he would have been a burden to us rather

than an assistance.

"In India no one knows what it is to stand by an

unfortunate man. The first idea which suggests itself is to

plunder him of the little[102] which remains to him. Besides,

a character like that of Siraj-ud-daula could nowhere find a

real friend."

Сирадж-уд-Даула, разбитый Клайвом при Плесси 23 июня, был, по словам Скрафтона,

"himself one of the first that carried the news of his defeat

to the capital, which he reached that night."

Его мудрейшие советники призывали его сдаться Клайву, но он счел этот совет предательским и решил бежать в сторону Раджмехала. Почти у самой цели он был опознан факиром, которому незадолго перед тем приказал отрезать уши. Факир сообщил фоуджару, который схватил его и отправил в Муршидабад, где Миран, сын Мир Джафара, предал его смерти 4 июля.

Ло должен был отступить как можно быстрее, если хотел сохранить свободу. Клайв и Мир Джафар написали Рамнараину в Патну настойчивые письма с требованием остановить его, но Рамнараин не пылал любовью к Мир Джафару и еще не был знаком с Клайвом, поэтому он позволил ему пройти. Ло говорит:

"On the 16th of July we arrived at Dinapur, eight miles

above Patna, where I soon saw we had no time to lose.

The Raja of Patna himself would not have troubled us much.

By means of our boats we could have avoided him as we

pleased, for though our fleet was in a very bad condition,

still it could have held its own against the naval forces

of Bengal, i.e. the Indian forces, but the English were advancing,

commanded by Major Coote. As the English call

themselves the masters of the aquatic element, it became us

the less to wait for them, when we knew they had stronger

and more numerous boats than we had. Possibly we could

have outsailed them, but we did not wish to give them the

pleasure of seeing us flee. On the 18th instant an order

from the Raja instructed me in the name of Mir Jafar to

halt—no doubt to wait for the English—whilst another on his

own part advised me to hurry off. Some small detachments

of horsemen appeared along the bank, apparently to hinder

us from getting provisions or to lay violent hands on the

boatmen. On this we set sail, resolved to quit all the

dependencies of Bengal. In spite of ourselves we had to

halt at Chupra, twenty-two miles higher up, because our

rowers refused to go further: prayers and threats all seemed

useless. I thought the English had found some means to

gain them over. The boats did not belong to us, but we

should have had little scruple in seizing them had our

Europeans known how to manage them. Unfortunately,

they knew nothing about it. The boats in Bengal have no

keel, and consequently do not carry sail well. So we lost

two days in discussion with the boatmen, but at last, by

doubling their pay, terms were made, and five days after, on

the 25th of July, we arrived at Ghazipur, the first place of

importance in the provinces of Suja-ud-daula, Viceroy of the

Subahs of Oudh, Lucknow, and Allahabad."

Прежде чем Ло покинул Раджмехал на обратном пути в Патну, фоуджар попытался остановить его под предлогом того, что Мир Джафар желает примирить его с англичанами. Ло счел это маловероятным, однако, зная свойственную местным жителям склонность к тайным интригам, он написал ему письмо, но ответ, полученный им в Чупре, сводился лишь к приказу о капитуляции. Ло говорит:

"I had an idea that he might write to me in a quite

different style, unknown to the English. I knew the new

Nawab, whom I met at the time I was soliciting reinforcements

to raise the siege of Chandernagore. He had not then

taken up the idea of making himself Nawab. He appeared

to me a very intelligent man, and much inclined to do us

service, pitying us greatly for having to work with a man so

cowardly and undecided as Siraj-ud-daula."

Ло считал свое сообщение —

"was well calculated to excite in his mind sentiments

favourable to us, but if it did, Mir Jafar let none of them

appear. The Revolution was too recent and the influence of

the English too great for him to risk the least correspondence

with us."

От Клайва же он получил письмо —

"such as became a general who, though an enemy, interested

himself in our fate out of humanity, knowing by his own

experience into what perils and fatigues we were going to

throw ourselves when we left the European Settlements."

Это письмо, датированное Муршидабадом, 9 июля, гласило следующее:

"As the country people are now all become your enemies,

and orders are gone everywhere to intercept your passage,

and I myself have sent parties in quest of you, and orders

are gone to Ramnarain, the Naib of Patna, to seize you if

you pursue that road, you must be sensible if you fall into

their hands you cannot expect to find them a generous

enemy. If, therefore, you have any regard for the men

under your command, I would recommend you to treat with

us, from whom you may expect the most favourable terms in

my power to grant."[104]

Ло немного рассказывает о лишениях своего бегства; однако Эйр Кут, командовавший преследовавшим его отрядом, испытывал крайние трудности, уговаривая своих людей идти вперед, и писал Клайву, что никогда еще не видел солдат, подвергавшихся стольким лишениям. В Патне Эйр Кут захватил французскую факторию, где начальник, г-н де ла Бретеш, лежал больным. Военные и другие служащие Компании ушли вместе с Ло, оставив за главного человека, которого называли то г-ном Иннокентьев, то Иннокенсио Иисусом (Innocent Jesus). Он не был французом, но тем не менее его отправили вниз в Калькутту. Из Патны Эйр Кут дошел до Чупры, но обнаружил лишь, что Ло благополучно ушел за пределы границы в Газипур, и ему не оставалось ничего другого, кроме как вернуться.

С этого момента и до января 1761 года Ло находился вне досягаемости англичан, живя впроголодь за счет припасов, присылаемых из Бюсси с юга, от его жены из Чинсуры, из тайника, который г-н де ла Бретеш устроил в Патне втайне от англичан, а также за счет займов, полученных у богатых туземцев, таких как раджа Беттиа. Он всё это время верил, что французы вскоре предпримут попытку вторгнуться в Бенгалию, где у них была мощная местная партия и где он мог бы оказать им содействие, создав отвлекающий маневр на севере. Я коснусь его приключений очень кратко.

Его первой остановкой был Бенарес, куда он прибыл 2 августа и где раджа Булвант Сингх пытался уговорами и угрозами заставить его сдать пушки. Он ускользнул из его рук с помощью чистого блефа и направился в Чунаргарх, где получил письма от Суджа-уд-Даулы, наваба Ауда, друга Сирадж-уд-Даулы, которого он надеялся склонить к вторжению в Бенгалию. 3 сентября он достиг Аллахабада и здесь оставил свой отряд под командованием г-на ле графа де Карриона, а сам отправился в Лакхнау, столицу Ауда.

Лишь в этот момент Ло вспоминает о необходимости описать свой отряд. Он состоял из 175 европейцев и 100 сипаев, обученных на европейский манер. Офицерами были Д’Юрвилье, граф де Каррион (приведший отряд из Дакки до того, как Ло покинул Кассимбазар), прапорщик Брайер (командовавший военными в Патне), прапорщик Жобар (бежавший из Шандернагора) и прапорщик Мартен де ла Каз. Он также принял на службу в качестве офицеров г-н Дебеллема (капитана французского ост-индского судна), Буасмона и Ла Виль Мартера, служащих Компании (эти трое бежали из Шандернагора), Дангрё и Дюбуа (служащих Компании, расквартированных в Кассимбазаре), Беенже (служащего Компании, расквартированного в Патне) и двух частных лиц — Кердизьена и Гурбена. Помимо них, в качестве добровольцев служили г-н Анкетиль дю Перрон, Ла Рю, Дежу, Вилькэнь, Дебросс и Кальве. Его капелланом был преподобный отец Онофре, а хирургами — Дюбуа и Ле Паж. Последние двое, вероятно, были хирургами из Кассимбазара и Патны. С ним также находился г-н Ленуар, второй человек в Патне, чье знакомство с языком и народом было бесценно. Ло, судя по всему, всегда имел возможность пополнять свой отряд сипаев, но невысокого о них был мнения.