Associations leading to the desire for, for its own sake, 25
Western Empire, general sketch of the moral condition of the, ii. 14
Widows, care of the early Church for, ii. 366
Will, freedom of the human, sustained and deepened by the ascetic life, ii. 123
Wine, forbidden to women, i. 93, 94, note
Witchcraft, belief in the reality of, i. 363.
Suicide common among witches, ii. 54
Wollaston, his analysis of moral judgments, i. 76
Women, law of the Romans forbidding women to taste wine, i. 93, 94, note.
Standards of female morality of the Jews, Greeks, and Romans, 103, 104.
Virtues and vices growing out of the relations of the sexes, 143.
Female virtue, 143.
Effects of climate on this virtue, 144.
Of large towns, 146.
And of early marriages, 145.
Reason for Plato's advocacy of community of wives, 200.
Plutarch's high sense of female excellence, 244.
Female gladiators at Rome, 281, and note.
Relations of female devotees with the anchorites, ii. 120, 128, 150.
Their condition in savage life, 276.
Cessation [pg 407] of the sale of wives, 276.
Rise of the dowry, 277.
Establishment of monogamy, 278.
Doctrine of the Fathers as to concupiscence, 281.
Nature of the problem of the relations of the sexes, 282.
Prostitution, 282-284.
Recognition in Greece of two distinct orders of womanhood—the wife and the hetæra, 287.
Condition of Roman women, 297, et seq.
Legal emancipation of women in Rome, 304.
Unbounded liberty of divorce, 306.
Amount of female virtue in Imperial Rome, 308-312.
Legislative measures to repress sensuality, 312.
To enforce the reciprocity of obligation in marriage, 312.
And to censure prostitution, 315.
Influence of Christianity on the position of women, 316, et seq.
Marriages, 320.
Second marriages, 324.
Low opinion of women, produced by asceticism, 338.
The canon law unfavourable to their proprietary rights, 338, 339.
Barbarian heroines and laws, 341-344.
Doctrine of equality of obligation in marriage, 346.
The duty of man towards woman, 347.
Condemnation of transitory connections, 350.
Roman concubines, 351.
The sinfulness of divorce maintained by the Church, 350-353.
Abolition of compulsory marriages, 353.
Condemnation of mixed marriages, 353, 354.
Education of women, 355.
Relation of Christianity to the female virtues, 358.
Comparison of male and female characteristics, 358.
The Pagan and Christian ideal of woman contrasted, 361-363.
Conspicuous part of woman in the early Church, 363-365.
Care of widows, 367.
Worship of the Virgin, 368, 369.
Effect of the suppression of the conventual system on women, 369.
Revolution going on in the employments of women, 373
Xenocrates, his tenderness, ii. 163
Xenophanes, his scepticism, i. 162
Xenophon, his picture of Greek married life, ii. 288
Zadok, the founder of the Sadducees, i. 183, note
Zeno, vast place occupied by his system in the moral history of man, i. 171.
His suicide, 212.
His inculcation of the practice of self-examination, 248
Zeus, universal providence attributed by the Greeks to, i. 161
Сноски
1. There is a remarkable passage of Celsus, on the impossibility of restoring a nature once thoroughly depraved, quoted by Origen in his answer to him. 2. This is well shown by Pressensé in his Hist. des Trois premiers Siècles. 3. See a great deal of information on this subject in Bingham's Antiquities of the Christian Church (Oxford, 1853), vol. v. pp. 370-378. It is curious that those very noisy contemporary divines who profess to resuscitate the manners of the primitive Church, and who lay so much stress on the minutest ceremonial observances, have left unpractised what was undoubtedly one of the most universal, and was believed to be one of the most important, of the institutions of early Christianity. Bingham shows that the administration of the Eucharist to infants continued in France till the twelfth century. 4. See Cave's Primitive Christianity, part i. ch. xi. At first the Sacrament was usually received every day; but this custom soon declined in the Eastern Church, and at last passed away in the West. 5. Plin. Ep. x. 97. 6. The whole subject of the penitential discipline is treated minutely in Marshall's Penitential Discipline of the Primitive Church (first published in 1714, and reprinted in the library of Anglo-Catholic Theology), and also in Bingham, vol. vii. Tertullian gives a graphic description of the public penances, De Pudicit. v. 13. 7. Eusebius, H. E. viii, 7. 8. St. Chrysostom tells this of St. Babylas. See Tillemont, Mém. pour servir à l'Hist. eccl. tome iii. p. 403. 9. In the preface to a very ancient Milanese missal it is said of St. Agatha that as she lay in the prison cell, torn by the instruments of torture, St. Peter came to her in the form of a Christian physician, and offered to dress her wounds; but she refused, saying that she wished for no physician but Christ. St. Peter, in the name of that Celestial Physician, commanded her wounds to close, and her body became whole as before. (Tillemont, tome iii. p. 412.) 10. See her acts in Ruinart. 11. St. Jerome, Ep. xxxix. 12. “Definitio brevis et vera virtutis: ordo est amoris.”—De Civ. Dei, xv. 22. 13. Besides the obvious points of resemblance in the common, though not universal, belief that Christians should abstain from all weapons and from all oaths, the whole teaching of the early Christians about the duty of simplicity, and the wickedness of ornaments in dress (see especially the writings of Tertullian, Clemens Alexandrinus, and Chrysostom, on this subject), is exceedingly like that of the Quakers. The scruple of Tertullian (De Coronâ) about Christians wearing laurel wreaths in the festivals, because laurel was called after Daphne, the lover of Apollo, was much of the same kind as that which led the Quakers to refuse to speak of Tuesday or Wednesday, lest they should recognise the gods Tuesco or Woden. On the other hand, the ecclesiastical aspects and the sacramental doctrines of the Church were the extreme opposites of Quakerism. 14. See the masterly description of the relations of the English to the Irish in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, in Froude's History of England, ch. xxiv.; and also Lord Macaulay's description of the feelings of the Master of Stair towards the Highlanders. (History of England, ch. xviii.) 15. See on the views of Aristotle, Labourt, Recherches historiques sur les Enfanstrouvés (Paris, 1848), p. 9. 16. See Gravina, De Ortu et Progressu Juris Civilis, lib. i. 44. 17.
«Nunc uterum vitiat quæ vult formosa videci, Raraque in hoc ævo est, quæ velit esse parens.»
Овидий, De Nuce, 22-23.
Тот же автор посвятил одну из своих элегий (ii. 14) упрекам своей возлюбленной Коринне в том, что она совершила этот поступок. Это было небезопасно, и Овидий говорит:
«Sæpe suos utero quæ necit ipsa perit.»
Говорят, что племянница Домициана умерла вследствие того, что по приказу императора практиковала это (Sueton. Domit. xxii.). Плутарх отмечает этот обычай (De Sanitate tuenda), а Сенека восхваляет Гельвию (Ad Helv. xvi.) за то, что она была свободна от тщеславия и никогда не уничтожала свое нерожденное потомство. Фаворин в примечательном отрывке (Aulus Gellius, Noct. Att. xii. 1) говорит об этом акте как о «publica detestatione communique odio dignum» и продолжает доказывать, что для матерей лишь на одну степень менее преступно отдавать своих детей кормилицам. Ювенал имеет несколько хорошо известных и выразительных строк на эту тему:—
«Sed jacet aurato vix ulla puerpera lecto; Tantum artes hujus, tantum medicamina possunt, Quæ steriles facit, atque homines in ventre necandos Conducit.»
Sat. vi. 592-595.
Существует также много намеков на это у христианских писателей. Так, Минуций Феликс (Octavius, xxx.): «Vos enim video procreatos filios nunc feris et avibus exponere, nunc adstrangulatos misero mortis genere elidere. Sunt quæ in ipsis visceribus, medicaminibus epotis, originem futuri hominis extinguant, et parricidium faciant antequam pariant.»
18. See Labourt, Recherches sur les Enfans trouvés, p. 25. 19. Among the barbarian laws there is a very curious one about a daily compensation for children who had been killed in the womb on account of the daily suffering of those children in hell. “Propterea diuturnam judicaverunt antecessores nostri compositionem et judices postquam religio Christianitatis inolevit in mundo. Quia diuturnam postquam incarnationem suscepit anima, quamvis ad nativitatis lucem minima pervenisset, patitur pœnam, quia sine sacramento regenerationis abortivo modo tradita est ad inferos.”—Leges Bajuvariorum, tit. vii. cap. xx. in Canciani, Leges Barbar. vol. ii. p. 374. The first foundling hospital of which we have undoubted record is that founded at Milan, by a man named Datheus, in a.d. 789. Muratori has preserved (Antich. Ital. Diss. xxxvii.) the charter embodying the motives of the founder, in which the following sentences occur: “Quia frequenter per luxuriam hominum genus decipitur, et exinde malum homicidii generatur, dum concipientes ex adulterio, ne prodantur in publico, fetos teneros necant, et absque baptismatis lavacro parvulos ad Tartara mittunt, quia nullum reperiunt locum, quo servare vivos valeant,” &c. Henry II. of France, 1556, made a long law against women who, “advenant le temps de leur part et délivrance de leur enfant, occultement s'en délivrent, puis le suffoquent et autrement suppriment sans leur avoir fait empartir le Saint Sacrement du Baptême.”—Labourt, Recherches sur les Enfans trouvés, p. 47. There is a story told of a Queen of Portugal (sister to Henry V. of England, and mother of St. Ferdinand) that, being in childbirth, her life was despaired of unless she took a medicine which would accelerate the birth but probably sacrifice the life of the child. She answered that “she would not purchase her temporal life by sacrificing the eternal salvation of her son.”—Bollandists, Act. Sanctor., June 5th. 20. Tillemont, Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire ecclésiastique (Paris, 1701), tome x. p. 41. St. Clem. Alexand. says that infants in the womb and exposed infants have guardian angels to watch over them. (Strom. v.) 21. There is an extremely large literature devoted to the subject of infanticide, exposition, foundlings, &c. The books I have chiefly followed are Terme et Monfalcon, Histoire des Enfans trouvés (Paris, 1840); Remacle, Des Hospices d'Enfans trouvés (1838); Labourt, Recherches historiques sur les Enfans trouvés (Paris, 1848); Kœnigswarter, Essai sur la Législation des Peuples anciens et modernes relative aux Enfans nés hors Mariage (Paris, 1842). There are also many details on the subject in Godefroy's Commentary to the laws about children in the Theodosian Code, in Malthus, On Population, in Edward's tract On the State of Slavery in the Early and Middle Ages of Christianity, and in most ecclesiastical histories. 22. It must not; however, be inferred from this that infanticide increases in direct proportion to the unchastity of a nation. Probably the condition of civilised society in which it is most common, is where a large amount of actual unchastity coexists with very strong social condemnation of the sinner, and where, in consequence, there is an intense anxiety to conceal the fall. A recent writer on Spain has noticed the almost complete absence of infanticide in that country, and has ascribed it to the great leniency of public opinion towards female frailty. Foundling hospitals, also, greatly influence the history of infanticide; but the mortality in them was long so great that it may be questioned whether they have diminished the number of the deaths, though they have, as I believe, greatly diminished the number of the murders of children. Lord Kames, writing in the last half of the eighteenth century, says: “In Wales, even at present, and in the Highlands of Scotland, it is scarce a disgrace for a young woman to have a bastard. In the country last mentioned, the first instance known of a bastard child being destroyed by its mother through shame is a late one. The virtue of chastity appears to be thus gaining ground, as the only temptation a woman can have to destroy her child is to conceal her frailty.”—Sketches of the History of Man—On the Progress of the Female Sex. The last clause is clearly inaccurate, but there seems reason for believing that maternal affection is generally stronger than want, but weaker than shame. 23. See Warburton's Divine Legation, vii. 2. 24. Ælian, Varia Hist. ii. 7. Passages from the Greek imaginative writers, representing exposition as the avowed and habitual practice of poor parents, are collected by Terme et Monfalcon, Hist. des Enfans trouvés, pp. 39-45. Tacitus notices with praise (Germania, xix.) that the Germans did not allow infanticide. He also notices (Hist. v. 5) the prohibition of infanticide among the Jews, and ascribes it to their desire to increase the population. 25. Dion. Halic. ii. 26. Ad Nat. i. 15. 27. The well-known jurisconsult Paulus had laid down the proposition, “Necare videtur non tantum is qui partum perfocat sed et is qui abjicit et qui alimonia denegat et qui publicis locis misericordiæ causa exponit quam ipse non habet.” (Dig. lib. xxv. tit. iii. 1. 4.) These words have given rise to a famous controversy between two Dutch professors, named Noodt and Bynkershoek, conducted on both sides with great learning, and on the side of Noodt with great passion. Noodt maintained that these words are simply the expression of a moral truth, not a judicial decision, and that exposition was never illegal in Rome till some time after the establishment of Christianity. His opponent argued that exposition was legally identical with infanticide, and became, therefore, illegal when the power of life and death was withdrawn from the father. (See the works of Noodt (Cologne, 1763) and of Bynkershoek (Cologne, 1761)). It was at least certain that exposition was notorious and avowed, and the law against it, if it existed, inoperative. Gibbon (Decline and Fall, ch. xliv.) thinks the law censured but did not punish exposition. See, too, Troplong, Influence du Christianisme sur le Droit, p. 271. 28. Quintilian speaks in a tone of apology, if not justification, of the exposition of the children of destitute parents (Decl. cccvi.), and even Plutarch speaks of it without censure. (De Amor. Prolis.) There are several curious illustrations in Latin literature of the different feelings of fathers and mothers on this matter. Terence (Heauton. Act. iii. Scene 5) represents Chremes as having, as a matter of course, charged his pregnant wife to have her child killed provided it was a girl. The mother, overcome by pity, shrank from doing so, and secretly gave it to an old woman to expose it, in hopes that it might be preserved. Chremes, on hearing what had been done, reproached his wife for her womanly pity, and told her she had been not only disobedient but irrational, for she was only consigning her daughter to the life of a prostitute. In Apuleius (Metam. lib. x.) we have a similar picture of a father starting for a journey, leaving his wife in childbirth, and giving her his parting command to kill her child if it should be a girl, which she could not bring herself to do. The girl was brought up secretly. In the case of weak or deformed infants infanticide seems to have been habitual. “Portentosos fœtus extinguimus, liberos quoque, si debiles monstrosique editi sunt, mergimus. Non ira, sed ratio est, a sanis inutilia secernere.”—Seneca, De Ira, i. 15. Terence has introduced a picture of the exposition of an infant into his Andria, Act. iv. Scene 5. See, too, Suet. August. lxv. According to Suetonius (Calig. v.), on the death of Germanicus, women exposed their new-born children in sign of grief. Ovid had dwelt with much feeling on the barbarity of these practices. It is a very curious fact, which has been noticed by Warburton, that Chremes, whose sentiments about infants we have just seen, is the very personage into whose mouth Terence has put the famous sentiment, “Homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum puto.” 29. That these were the usual fates of exposed infants is noticed by several writers. Some, too, both Pagan and Christian (Quintilian, Decl. cccvi.; Lactantius, Div. Inst. vi. 20, &c.), speak of the liability to incestuous marriages resulting from frequent exposition. In the Greek poets there are several allusions to rich childless men adopting foundlings, and Juvenal says it was common for Roman wives to palm off foundlings on their husbands for their sons. (Sat. vi. 603.) There is an extremely horrible declamation in Seneca the Rhetorician (Controvers. lib. v. 33) about exposed children who were said to have been maimed and mutilated, either to prevent their recognition by their parents, or that they might gain money as beggars for their masters. 30. See passages on this point cited by Godefroy in his Commentary to the Law “De Expositis,” Codex Theod. lib. v. tit. 7. 31. Codex Theod. lib. xi. tit. 27. 32. Codex Theod. lib. v. tit. 7, lex. 1. 33. Ibid. lib. v. tit. 8, lex 1. 34. See Godefroy's Commentary to the Law. 35. In a letter to the younger Pliny. (Ep. x. 72.) 36. See on this point Muratori, Antich. Ital. Diss. xxxvii. 37. See on these laws, Wallon, Hist. de l'Esclavage, tome iii. pp. 52, 53. 38. See Cod. Theod. lib. iii. tit. 3, lex 1, and the Commentary. 39. On the very persistent denunciation of this practice by the Fathers, see many examples in Terme et Monfalcon. 40. This is a mere question of definition, upon which lawyers have expended much learning and discussion. Cujas thought the Romans considered infanticide a crime, but a crime generically different from homicide. Godefroy maintains that it was classified as homicide, but that, being esteemed less heinous than the other forms of homicide, it was only punished by exile. See the Commentary to Cod. Theod. lib. ix. tit. 14, l. 1. 41. Cod. Theod. lib. ix. tit. 15. 42. Ibid. lib. ix. tit. 14, lex 1. 43. Corp. Juris, lib. viii. tit. 52, lex 2. 44. Leges Wisigothorum (lib. vi. tit. 3, lex 7) and other laws (lib. iv. tit. 4) condemned exposition. 45. “Si quis infantem necaverit ut homicida teneatur.”—Capit. vii. 168. 46. It appears, from a passage of St. Augustine, that Christian virgins were accustomed to collect exposed children and to have them brought into the church. See Terme et Monfalcon, Hist. des Enfans trouvés, p. 74. 47. Compare Labourt, Rech. sur les Enfans trouvés, pp. 32, 33; Muratori, Antichità Italiane, Dissert. xxxvii. Muratori has also briefly noticed the history of these charities in his Carità Christiana, cap. xxvii. 48. The first seems to have been the hospital of Sta. Maria in Sassia, which had existed with various changes from the eighth century, but was made a foundling hospital and confided to the care of Guy of Montpellier in a.d. 1204. According to one tradition, Pope Innocent III. had been shocked at hearing of infants drawn in the nets of fishermen from the Tiber. According to another, he was inspired by an angel. Compare Remacle, Hospices d'Enfans trouvés, pp. 36-37, and Amydemus, Pietas Romana (a book written a.d. 1624, and translated in part into English in a.d. 1687), Eng. trans, pp. 2, 3. 49. For the little that is known about this missionary of charity, compare Remacle, Hospices d'Enfans trouvés, pp. 34-44; and Labourt, Recherches historiques sur les Enfans trouvés, pp. 38-41. 50. E.g. the amphitheatre of Verona was only built under Diocletian. 51. “Quid hoc triumpho pulchrius?... Tantam captivorum multitudinem bestiis objicit ut ingrati et perfidi non minus doloris ex ludibrio sui quam ex ipsa morte patiantur.”—Incerti, Panegyricus Constant. “Puberes qui in manus venerunt, quorum nec perfidia erat apta militiæ nec ferocia servituti ad pœnas spectaculo dati sævientes bestias multitudine sua fatigarunt.”—Eumenius, Paneg. Constant. xi. 52. Cod. Theod. lib. xv. tit. 12, lex 1. Sozomen, i. 8. 53. This, at least, is the opinion of Godefroy, who has discussed the subject very fully. (Cod. Theod. lib. xv. tit. 12.) 54. Libanius, De Vita Sua, 3. 55. Cod. Theod. lib. xv. tit. 12, l. 2. 56. Ibid. lib. ix. tit. 40, l. 8. 57. Ibid. lib. ix. tit. 40, l. 11. 58. Ibid. lib. xv. tit. 12, l. 3. 59. Symmach. Ex. x. 61. 60. M. Wallon has traced these last shows with much learning. (Hist. de l'Esclavage, tome iii. pp. 421-429.) 61. He wavered, however, on the subject, and on one occasion condemned them. See Wallon, tome iii. p. 423. 62. Theodoret, v. 26. 63. Muller, De Genio Ævi Theodosiani (1797), vol. ii. p. 88; Milman, Hist. of Early Christianity, vol. iii. pp. 343-347. 64. See on these fights Ozanam's Civilisation in the Fifth Century (Eng. trans.), vol. i. p. 130. 65. Nieupoort, De Ritibus Romanorum, p. 169. 66. See a very unequivocal passage, Inst. Div. vi. 20. Several earlier testimonies on the subject are given by Barbeyrac, Morale des Pères, and in many other books. 67. See two laws enacted in a.d. 380 (Cod. Theod. ix. tit. 35, l. 4) and a.d. 389 (Cod. Theod. ix. tit. 35, l. 5). Theodosius the Younger made a law (ix. tit. 35, l. 7) excepting the Isaurian robbers from the privileges of these laws. 68. There are, of course, innumerable miracles punishing guilty men, but I know none assisting the civil power in doing so. As an example of the miracles in defence of the innocent, I may cite one by St. Macarius. An innocent man, accused of a murder, fled to him. He brought both the accused and accusers to the tomb of the murdered man, and asked him whether the prisoner was the murderer. The corpse answered in the negative; the bystanders implored St. Macarius to ask it to reveal the real culprit; but St. Macarius refused to do so. (Vitæ Patrum, lib. ii. cap. xxviii.) 69. “Ut quam clementissime et ultra sanguinis effusionem puniretur.” 70. Quæstœ. Romanæ, xcvi. 71. Tillemont, Mém. d'Hist. ecclés. tome vi. pp. 88-98. The Donatists after a time, however, are said to have overcome their scruples, and used swords. 72. Under the Christian kings, the barbarians multiplied the number of capital offences, but this has usually been regarded as an improvement. The Abbé Mably says: “Quoiqu'il nous reste peu d'ordonnances faites sous les premiers Mérovingiens, nous voyons qu'avant la fin du sixième siècle, les François avoient déjà adopté la doctrine salutaire des Romains au sujet de la prescription; et que renonçant à cette humanité cruelle qui les enhardissoit au mal, ils infligèrent peine de mort contre l'inceste, le vol et le meurtre qui jusques-là n'avoient été punis que par l'exil, ou dont on se rachetoit par une composition. Les François, en réformant quelques-unes de leurs lois civiles, portèrent la sévérité aussi loin que leurs pères avoient poussé l'indulgence.”—Mably, Observ. sur l'Hist. des François, liv. i. ch. iii. See, too, Gibbon's Decline and Fall, ch. xxxviii. 73. The whole of the sixth volume of Godefroy's edition (folio) of the Theodosian code is taken up with laws of these kinds. 74. Mme. de Staël, Réflexions sur le Suicide. 75. The following became the theological doctrine on the subject: “Est vere homicida et reus homicidii qui se interficiendo innocentum hominem interfecerit.”—Lisle, Du Suicide, p. 400. St. Augustine has much in this strain. Lucretia, he says, either consented to the act of Sextius, or she did not. In the first case she was an adulteress, and should therefore not be admired. In the second case she was a murderess, because in killing herself she killed an innocent and virtuous woman. (De Civ. Dei, i. 19.) 76. Justin Martyr, Tertullian, and Cyprian are especially ardent in this respect; but their language is, I think, in their circumstances, extremely excusable. Compare Barbeyrac, Morale des Pères, ch. ii. § 8; ch. viii. §§ 34-39. Donne's Biathanatos (ed. 1644), pp. 58-67. Cromaziano, Istoria critica e filosofica del Suicidio ragionato (Venezia, 1788), pp. 135-140. 77. Ambrose, De Virginibus, iii. 7. 78. Eusebius, Eccles. Hist. viii. 12. 79. Eusebius, Eccles. Hist. viii. 14. Bayle, in his article upon Sophronia, appears to be greatly scandalised at this act, and it seems that among the Catholics it is not considered right to admire this poor lady as much as her sister suicides. Tillemont remarks: “Comme on ne voit pas que l'église romaine l'ait jamais honorée, nous n'avons pas le mesme droit de justifier son action.”—Hist. ecclés. tome v. pp. 404, 405. 80. Especially Barbeyrac in his Morale des Pères. He was answered by Ceillier, Cromaziano, and others. Matthew of Westminster relates of Ebba, the abbess of a Yorkshire convent which was besieged by the Danes, that she and all the other nuns, to save their chastity, deformed themselves by cutting off their noses and upper lips. (a.d. 870.) 81. De Civ. Dei, i. 22-7. 82. This had been suggested by St. Augustine. In the case of Pelagia, Tillemont finds a strong argument in support of this view in the astounding, if not miraculous, fact that, having thrown herself from the top of the house, she was actually killed by the fall! “Estant montée tout au haut de sa maison, fortifiée par le mouvement que J.-C. formoit dans son cœur et par le courage qu'il luy inspiroit, elle se précipita de là du haut en bas, et échapa ainsi à tous les piéges de ses ennemis. Son corps en tombant à terre frapa, dit S. Chrysostome, les yeux du démon plus vivement qu'un éclair.... Ce qui marque encore que Dieu agissoit en tout ceci c'est qu'au lieu que ces chutes ne sont pas toujours mortelles, ou que souvent ne brisant que quelques membres, elles n'ostent la vie que longtemps après, ni l'un ni l'autre n'arriva en cette rencontre; mais Dieu retira aussitost l'âme de la sainte, en sorte que sa mort parut autant l'effet de la volonté divine que de sa chute.”—Hist. ecclés. tome v. pp. 401-402. 83. “Et virginitatis coronam et nuptiarum perdidit voluptatem.”—Ep. xxii. 84. “Quis enim siccis oculis recordetur viginti annorum adolescentulam tam ardenti fide crucis levasse vexillum ut magis amissam virginitatem quam mariti doleret interitum?”—Ep. xxxix. 85. For a description of these penances, see Ep. xxxviii. 86. Ep. xxxix. 87. St. Jerome gave some sensible advice on this point to one of his admirers. (Ep. cxxv.) 88. Hase, St. François d'Assise, pp. 137-138. St. Palæmon is said to have died of his austerities. (Vit. S. Pachomii.) 89. St. Augustine and St. Optatus have given accounts of these suicides in their works against the Donatists. 90. See Todd's Life of St. Patrick, p. 462. 91. The whole history of suicide in the dark ages has been most minutely and carefully examined by M. Bourquelot, in a very interesting series of memoirs in the third and fourth volumes of the Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes. I am much indebted to these memoirs in the following pages. See, too, Lisle, Du Suicide, Statistique, Médecine, Histoire, et Législation. (Paris, 1856.) The ferocious laws here recounted contrast remarkably with a law in the Capitularies (lib. vi. lex 70), which provides that though mass may not be celebrated for a suicide, any private person may, through charity, cause prayers to be offered up for his soul. “Quia incomprehensibilia sunt judicia Dei, et profunditatem consilii ejus nemo potest investigare.” 92. See the very interesting work of the Abbé Bourret, l'École chrétienne de Séville sous la monarchie des Visigoths (Paris, 1855), p. 196. 93. Roger of Wendover, a.d. 665. 94. Esquirol, Maladies mentales, tome i. p. 591. 95. Lea's History of Sacerdotal Celibacy (Philadelphia, 1867), p. 248. 96. “Per lo corso di molti secoli abbiamo questo solo suicidio donnesco, e buona cosa è non averne più d'uno; perchè io non credo che la impudicizia istessa sia peggiore di questa disperata castità.”—Cromaziano, Ist. del. Suicidio, p. 126. Mariana, who, under the frock of a Jesuit, bore the heart of an ancient Roman, treats the case in a very different manner. “Ejus uxor Maria Coronelia cum mariti absentiam non ferret, ne pravis cupiditatibus cederet, vitam posuit, ardentem forte libidinem igne extinguens adacto per muliebria titione; dignam meliori seculo fœminam, insigne studium castitatis.”—De Rebus Hispan. xvi. 17. 97. A number of passages are cited by Bourquelot. 98. This is noticed by St. Gregory Nazianzen in a little poem which is given in Migne's edition of The Greek Fathers, tome xxxvii. p. 1459. St. Nilus and the biographer of St. Pachomius speak of these suicides, and St. Chrysostom wrote a letter of consolation to a young monk, named Stagirius, which is still extant, encouraging him to resist the temptation. See Neander, Ecclesiastical Hist. vol. iii. pp. 319, 320. 99. Bourquelot. Pinel notices (Traité médico-philosophique sur l'Aliénation mentale (2nd ed.), pp. 44-46) the numerous cases of insanity still produced by strong religious feeling; and the history of the movements called “revivals,” in the present century, supplies much evidence to the same effect. Pinel says, religious insanity tends peculiarly to suicide (p. 265). 100. Orosius notices (Hist. v. 14) that of all the Gauls conquered by Q. Marcius, there were none who did not prefer death to slavery. The Spaniards were famous for their suicides, to avoid old age as well as slavery. Odin, who, under different names, was the supreme divinity of most of the Northern tribes, is said to have ended his earthly life by suicide. Boadicea, the grandest figure of early British history, and Cordeilla, or Cordelia, the most pathetic figure of early British romance, were both suicides. (See on the first, Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 35-37, and on the second Geoffrey of Monmouth, ii. 15—a version from which Shakspeare has considerably diverged, but which is faithfully followed by Spenser. (Faëry Queen, book ii. canto 10.)) 101. “In our age, when the Spaniards extended that law which was made only against the cannibals, that they who would not accept the Christian religion should incur bondage, the Indians in infinite numbers escaped this by killing themselves, and never ceased till the Spaniards, by some counterfeitings, made them think that they also would kill themselves, and follow them with the same severity into the next life.”—Donne's Biathanatos, p. 56 (ed. 1644). On the evidence of the early travellers on this point, see the essay on “England's Forgotten Worthies,” in Mr. Froude's Short Studies. 102. Lisle, pp. 427-434. Sprenger has noticed the same tendency among the witches he tried. See Calmeil, De la Folie (Paris, 1845), tome i. pp. 161, 303-305. 103. On modern suicides the reader may consult Winslow's Anatomy of Suicide; as well as the work of M. Lisle, and also Esquirol, Maladies mentales (Paris, 1838), tome i. pp. 526-676. 104.