«История Соединенных Штатов, Том 6»

besought one of at least 75 per cent. For a time our behavior in this

too much resembled English and Spanish dealings with colonies centuries

ago. The United States acquired from the Philippine religious orders

422,337 acres of land, three-fifths of it highly cultivated and thickly

inhabited, for $7,239,000. In all, the government owned about 61,000,000

out of the perhaps 70,000,000 acres of land in the islands. Of the

government lands, 40,000,000 acres were forest.

The law of July 1, 1902, to supplement the commission, provided for a

native assembly of not more than 100 members or less than 50, with

annual sessions of 90 days. Municipal autonomy was allowed and became

common. An efficient constabulary was established, also a Philippine

mint and coinage system on a gold basis. Careful exploitation of the

agricultural, mineral, and other resources of the islands was provided

for, as well as an increasing number of public improvements in the

interest of order, health, and cleanliness. To promote investment in the

Philippine public works, 4 per cent bonds were issued, guaranteed by the

United States.

The Baltimore fire.

Lombard and Calvert Streets, Showing Continental and Equitable Buildings.

[1904]

Preparatory to forming the Philippine Assembly the commission took a

census of the islands. In 1905 the population returned from 342 islands

was 7,635,426. Of this number only about 9 per cent were wild tribes,

though more than half the entire population could neither read nor write

in any language. Of the 370,000 pupils in the newly established schools,

or double the number in attendance two years previously, one in nine on

the average had some understanding of English. Twelve thousand adults

were in the night schools, chiefly engaged in acquiring the English

language.

The Baltimore fire.

Hopkins Place and German Street, looking east.

In February, 1904, a fire broke out in the heart of the city of

Baltimore. Some 1,337 structures were either entirely destroyed or

rendered unfit for occupancy. The loss in buildings and other property

destroyed was about $75,000,000. With a few exceptions, the financial

district of the city was burned. For a time it was feared that the

losses would be so great that restoration could not be made, but new

plans were projected which included broader streets and better

buildings. Instead of a decrease in the number of business concerns,

there was an increase through the entrance of firms from the outside.

Copyright, 1904. William H. Rau, Philadelphia.

Opening Day at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition.

President D. K. Francis delivering the opening address.

The Varied Industries Building.

THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION.

The Louisiana Purchase Exposition at St. Louis was opened April 30,

1904, and continued for seven months. It commemorated the acquisition of

the Louisiana territory which was consummated April 30, 1803, marking

one of the greatest events in American history. Out of this area had

been carved thirteen States and two territories wherein over 17,000,000

people were making their homes.

The design for the exposition represented the work of ten of the most

distinguished architects of the country. The buildings, grouped in

perfect taste, mostly of noble style, had 128 acres of floor space, far

beyond that at the disposal of any preceding fair. The grounds also were

unprecedentedly ample and beautifully diversified, containing about

1,200 acres. The total attendance, 18,741,073, fell short of that at

Chicago in 1893 by over 8,000,000.

The general plan of the exposition was intended to symbolize the history

of the Louisiana territory representing the successive occupants of the

soil--the wild animals; the Indians; the discoverers; the explorers;

the hunters; the trappers, and the pioneers. The aim was to make it one

vast educational object lesson. To that end there were extensive

exhibits from thirty States and from the chief cities of work done in

the primary and secondary schools and in the universities and colleges

of the country. This feature culminated in the International Congress of

Arts and Sciences. Over 100 of the leading scholars from England,

France, Germany, Holland, Italy, Japan, the United States, and a number

of other countries made addresses and took part in the various

discussions. All the fields of human knowledge were represented by these

specialists.

One feature of this exposition was unique: it represented to an

unprecedented extent processes in lieu of products or in addition to

them. Every day at almost every point something was literally doing,

going on. Machinery whizzed, mines were operated, artists were at work,

experts showed their craft; Indians, Filipinos, the blind, deaf, and

dumb were taught.

CHAPTER III

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1904

[1904]

The Republican convention met at Chicago, June 21, and on June 23

nominated Theodore Roosevelt for President. President Roosevelt's

nomination was a certainty from the beginning. This action was demanded

by the rank and file of Republicans, for his achievements were popular.

Among the problems which he had helped to solve were those growing out

of the war with Spain; settlement of the anthracite coal strike;

creation of the Department of Commerce and Labor; and the investigation

and prosecution of dishonesty in the post-office department.

Charles W. Fairbanks,

Vice-President of the United States.

Plans for the convention had all been matured in advance with the

exception of the selection of a candidate for Vice-President. By the

time the convention assembled the opinion was general that for

geographical reasons some one from Indiana should be named for this

office. Charles Warren Fairbanks, a leading lawyer in Indianapolis, who

was serving his second term in the United States Senate, was nominated

without any real opposition. He had served as a member of the Joint High

Commission to adjust international questions of moment between the

United States and Great Britain. Grover Cleveland and William Jennings

Bryan had declared they would not be candidates for the presidency and

the Democratic party was in a dilemma. Both the conservative and the

radical elements of the party declared they would write the platform and

name the candidates. Alton Brooks Parker, Chief Judge of the Court of

Appeals of New York, who was supported by Grover Cleveland, came

gradually into prominence as the candidate of the conservatives and

William Randolph Hearst of the radicals.

The Republican convention at Chicago, 1904.

The chief contest came in the Democratic convention of New York. There

Judge Parker was supported by David B. Hill, ex-United States senator,

and August Belmont, a New York banker. In consequence it was declared by

the opposition that Judge Parker was the candidate of the trusts, Wall

Street magnates, and a class of politicians of which Hill was the type.

This view was taken by Bryan. In spite of the opposition of Tammany

leaders and the Hearst faction, twice as many Parker as Hearst delegates

were chosen.

William R. Hearst.

In the convention, which met at St. Louis, July 9, Judge Parker received

658 votes for President on the first ballot, Hearst received 200, and

there were a few scattering votes. The requisite two-thirds came to

Parker before the result of the ballot was announced. Henry G. Davis, of

West Virginia, was named for the office of Vice-President.

He had served two terms in the United States Senate, had declined the

office of Post-Master General under President Cleveland, was very

wealthy, and noted for his philanthropy.

Bryan demanded that the platform should be silent on the question of the

money standard, but Parker declined the nomination unless it should be

understood that he would maintain the gold standard, and his declaration

was endorsed by the convention.

There were no distinguishing issues between the two leading parties. The

money question had disappeared and both parties were outspoken in their

declarations against trusts and combinations of capital.

The Populist party, in a convention made up of delegates from one-half

the States, nominated Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia, and Thomas H.

Tubbles, of Nebraska, for President and Vice-President, respectively.

There were two Socialist conventions: one, that of the Social Democratic

party, nominated Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana, for President, and the

Socialist Labor party named Charles H. Corregan, of New York, for the

same office. The nominees of the Prohibitionist party were Silas C.

Swallow, of Pennsylvania, for President, and George W. Carroll, of

Texas, for Vice-President.

The Democratic convention at St. Louis, 1904.

The campaign was noteworthy on account of the apathy which was very

general. Heated discussions so characteristic of previous political

contests were seldom heard, and arguments were addressed to the

intelligence of voters rather than to passion and prejudice.

It has been called a reading rather than a speaking campaign. The

leading Republican document was a pamphlet containing two notable

addresses. One of these was delivered by John Hay at Jackson, Mich., on

the occasion of the celebration of the semi-centennial of the founding

of the Republican party. He attributed to that party the success in the

conduct of public affairs since 1860, and praised President Roosevelt as

a man and great administrator. The other speech was similar in content,

and was delivered by Elihu Root as temporary chairman of the Republican

convention.

Alton B. Parker.

Toward the close of the campaign, the charge was made that the

Republicans were endeavoring to win through a wholesale purchase of

votes. It was asserted that George B. Cortelyou, manager of the

campaign, having obtained secrets of the conduct of some of the great

corporations, was using that knowledge to force them to contribute to

the Republican fund. A second charge proclaimed that the administration

had changed its attitude toward certain corporations and that the

magnates of Wall Street, having decided to elect Roosevelt, were

contributing generously to the Republican campaign fund. Shortly before

the day for the election, Judge Parker in a series of speeches announced

his belief in these reports. President Roosevelt declared that no proof

for the statements could be produced, and ended as follows: "The

statements made by Mr. Parker are unqualifiedly and atrociously false.

As Mr. Cortelyou has said to me more than once during this campaign, if

elected I shall go into the presidency unhampered by any pledge,

promise, or understanding of any kind, sort or description, save my

promise, made openly to the American people, that so far as in my power

lies I shall see to it that every man has a square deal, no less and no

more." In his reply, Judge Parker reiterated the charge, but gave no

concrete instances of money having been obtained from corporations.

Photograph by Clinedinst, Washington, D. C.

Inauguration of President Roosevelt, March 4. 1905.

Out of a total vote of 13,544,705, Roosevelt received 7,630,893 votes,

or 2,524,244 more than his leading competitor. His majority was

1,717,081. Debs received 397,308 votes; Swallow, 258,039; Watson,

114,306; Corregan, 32,516. Thirty-three States gave Roosevelt majorities

and twelve Southern States returned majorities for Parker. In the

electoral college Roosevelt received 336 votes and Parker 140. A

surprising feature of the election was the large number of independent

votes cast, as shown by the fact that Minnesota, Massachusetts,

Missouri, and Montana, while giving majorities for the Republican

candidates, elected Democratic governors, and in several other States a

similar tendency was manifest in the divergence between the vote for the

national candidates and local candidates.

CHAPTER IV

AMERICA AND THE CHINESE OPEN DOOR

[1905]

The aggressive policy of President Roosevelt continued throughout the

four years succeeding March 4, 1905, when he again took the oath of

office as President. In his suggested reforms he continued to be a real

leader of the people. John Hay, who for seven years had so efficiently

performed his duties as Secretary of State, was continued in that

office. William H. Taft, after his return from the Philippine Islands,

where he had held the office of first civil governor, succeeded Elihu

Root as Secretary of War.

The United States, having become a world power after the war with Spain,

assumed leadership in the adjustment of Chinese problems. At the close

of the century American manufacturers had built up in China a market for

their cotton goods which they desired to extend. At the same time strife

arose among some of the European nations for trade advantages in that

empire. Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Italy were demanding

for their citizens concessions, leases, franchises, and special trade

privileges in various parts of that country. Gradually, spheres of

influence covering certain regions were acquired and it seemed probable

that China would be partitioned among the European Powers as Africa had

been in the previous decade. This would be a blow to American export

trade. Now the acquisition of the Philippine Islands gave us a vantage

point from which we could consistently exert influence in Oriental

affairs. In September, 1899, John Hay addressed a note to the European

Powers interested, asking recognition of the policy of the "open door,"

which means that no power should exclude the citizens of other nations

from equal trade rights, within its sphere of influence, in China.

Without winning complete acceptance from all the nations, the justice of

this policy was, in the main, approved.

Copyright by Underwood & Underwood, N.Y.

Count Von Waldersee escorted by officers of the allied armies

between lines of U. S. troops toward the Sacred Gate, Peking.

During the following year came the Boxer Rebellion in which there were

massacres of Europeans and Americans. When the foreign legations were

besieged in Peking, United States troops took part in the expedition

which marched to their relief. Seizure of Chinese territory, as

indemnity, might have followed, but Secretary Hay brought the influence

of this country to bear in securing guarantees of the territorial

integrity of China and equal trade rights in its ports.

Friendly relations between the Chinese Empire and the United States were

still further strengthened by the liberal attitude of our government

relative to the indemnity growing out of the Boxer uprising. The total

amount which China had obligated itself to pay the governments,

societies, and private individuals was $333,000,000. Of this sum,

$24,400,778 was allotted to the United States. As a mark of friendship

for China, Congress upon the recommendation of President Roosevelt,

1907, cancelled the obligation of China to pay that part of the

stipulated indemnity in excess of $11,655,492, or an amount adequate to

cover the actual amount of the claims. This generous conduct prompted

the Chinese government to devote the funds thus remitted to the sending

of Chinese students to this country for their education. About one

hundred of these students have entered our schools and colleges each

year since 1907. American institutions will, as a consequence, have a

great influence on the progressive development of China.

For some time Russia had been extending her influence over the Chinese

tributary province of Manchuria. In 1903 negotiations for a new

commercial treaty were begun between China and the United States. There

were numerous delays on account of an agreement relative to opening the

Manchurian ports. For a time it seemed probable that the American demand

that her trading rights should be restored in Manchuria would bring on

serious complications with Russia. Upon the completion of the treaty,

however, the request was renewed and China acquiesced by opening the

ports of Mukden and Ta Tung Kao to the ships of all nations. At the same

time Russia agreed that she would in no way oppose this action.

Copyright 1901, by Underwood & Underwood.

American flag raised over battered remnants of South Gate

immediately after city's capture. Battle of Tien-Tsin, China.

At the outbreak of the war between Japan and Russia, in 1904, Secretary

Hay took another step toward maintaining the administrative entity of

the Chinese Empire. At the suggestion of Germany he addressed a note to

the powers which had taken part in the treaty of Peking, asking them to

pledge themselves to limit the area of the war; keep China from becoming

involved, and use their best endeavors to prevent the violation of

Chinese interests by either belligerent, provided China should maintain

absolute neutrality. These proposals were agreed to by the signatory

nations, and both Russia and Japan promised to respect Chinese

neutrality.

Meantime a new national spirit had been developing rapidly in China and

a greater sensitiveness was manifest toward the treatment of Chinese

outside the empire. The strict interpretation of the Chinese Exclusion

act had caused many Chinese entering the ports of the United States

unwarranted hardships. A crisis was reached in 1905.

Arrival of Chinamen at Malone, N. Y.,

from Canada, accompanied by officials.

According to the rules adopted by the Secretary of Commerce and Labor,

neither the immigration acts nor the Chinese exclusion acts apply to a

Chinese person born in the United States. Under the laws, all Chinese

laborers, both skilled and unskilled, are prohibited from entering the

United States, but this prohibition does not extend to merchants,

teachers, students, and travellers who are to be granted all the rights,

privileges, and exemptions accorded the citizens of any other nation. In

spite of these rulings, Ju Toy, who claimed to have been born in the

United States, was deported. Three Chinamen, with their sister, who had

been studying in the English schools came to Boston. Notwithstanding

they had a letter from Mr. Choate, former United States ambassador to

Great Britain, they were not allowed to land with other passengers, and

were otherwise humiliated by the formalities to which they were

subjected. Men of influence throughout the Chinese Empire were aroused

and a circular was issued, in May, 1905, which was widely disseminated

in the chief cities, calling for agreement not to buy any more American

goods. Newspapers urged students to leave schools where American

teachers were employed or American text-books or supplies were used. At

this juncture President Roosevelt was appealed to by the American

members of the Chinese Educational Association. Acting with his

accustomed vigor, he issued instructions to the Secretary of Commerce

and Labor to send a letter to all immigration officials, instructing

them that "any discourtesy shown to Chinese persons by any officials of

the Government will be the cause for immediate dismissal from the

service." In his message to Congress he declared that it was Chinese

laborers alone who are undesirable, and that other Chinamen--students,

professional men, merchants--should be encouraged to come to the United

States. "We have no right," he wrote, "to claim the open door in China

unless we do equity to the Chinese."

CHAPTER V

INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION

[1903-1905]

Great progress was made during the nineteenth century toward the

settlement of differences between nations through arbitration. The

United States was a party to 50 out of the total number of 120

arbitration treaties. Questions settled in this manner, such as

boundary, damages inflicted by war or civil disturbances and injuries to

commerce, would formerly have led to war. Twenty of these cases have

been between the United States and Great Britain, and a settlement was

effected when, at times, it seemed as if war could not be averted.

The work of the Hague Peace Conference, which met May 18, 1899,

constituted a fitting close to the efforts which were put forth during

the century to bring about conciliation through arbitration. The

conference assembled in response to an invitation issued by the Czar of

Russia "on behalf of disarmament and the permanent peace of the world."

One hundred and ten delegates were present, representing twenty-six

different powers of which the United States was one. The delegates were

divided into three commissions, each having separate subjects for

consideration.

The House in the Woods, The Hague, Holland,

where the first Peace Conference was held.

The first commission adopted unanimously the resolution that "the

limitation of the military charges which so oppress the world is

greatly to be desired," but agreed that this could not now be

accomplished through an international compact.

In the second commission a revision of the Declaration of Brussels

concerning the rules of war was made. It was agreed by the entire

conference that a new convention for this purpose should be called, and

that the protection offered by the Red Cross, as agreed upon in the

Geneva convention, should also be extended to naval warfare.

The proposition expressing the desire that international conflicts might

in the future be settled through arbitration was considered by the third

commission. Said ex-President Harrison: "The greatest achievement of the

Hague conference was the establishment of an absolutely impartial

judicial tribunal." Some of the chief features of this permanent court

of arbitration were as follows:

(1) Each nation which agreed to the plan was to appoint, within three

months, four persons of recognized competency in international law, who

were to serve for six years as members of the International Court;

(2) an International Bureau was established at The Hague for the purpose

of carrying on all intercourse between the signatory powers relative to

the meetings of the court and to serve also as the recording office, for

the court;

(3) nations in dispute may select from the list of names appointed as

above, and submitted to them by the bureau, those persons whom they

desire to act as arbitrators;

(4) the meetings of the court are to be held at The Hague unless some

other place is stipulated by the nations in the controversy.

The permanent International Court of Arbitration was declared to be

organized and ready for operation by April, 1901. At that time there

were seventy-two judges appointed by twenty-two of the signatory powers,

It is readily seen that the advantages of such a court are that

unprejudiced arbitrators are selected, rules of procedure are defined,

and decisions rendered are more liable to be accepted in future cases

and thus a code of law will be formed. So many cases have been submitted

to this tribunal that it has been said that a government which will not

now try arbitration before resorting to arms is no longer considered

respectable. This court was convened for the first time May 18, 1901.

The first case coming before the tribunal--the Pious Fund Case--was

presented by the United States and Mexico, September 15, 1902. Up to

1846 the Mexican government had paid annual interest on some property

administered by it but belonging to the Catholic church. Part of it was

situated in what is now California. After 1848, when this California

estate came under United States jurisdiction, Mexico refused to pay that

part of the church outside of Mexico its share. This difference between

our Government and Mexico the Hague Tribunal took up.

Agreeably to chapter 3, title 4, of the agreement, each party named two

arbitrators, and the latter, acting together, an umpire. In case of an

equality of votes a third power, designated by agreement of the parties,

was to select the umpire. The arbitrators chosen were M. de Martens, of

the Orthodox Greek church; Sir Edward Fry, an English Protestant; M.

Asser, a Jew, and M. Savornin-Loman, a Dutch Protestant. Decision was

reached within the prescribed thirty days and announced October 14,

1902. It favored the United States contention, giving its proportion of

the Mexican payments to the Catholic church in California.

President Castro of Venezuela.

A second case, involving issues of war and peace, arose from the action

of Great Britain and Germany against Venezuela in the winter of

1902-1903. Subjects of these as well as of other powers had claims

against Venezuela. That country was in financial straits and its

creditors pressed. December 9, 1902, British and German war-ships sunk

or seized some Venezuelan vessels; next day they landed marines at La

Guayra, who took possession of the custom house; the 14th they bombarded

and demolished a fort at Puerto Cabello. Through the good offices of the

United States the matter of debts was referred to the Hague Tribunal.

The German claims were decided by two representatives of Germany and two

of Venezuela, or, if they disagreed, by an umpire whom the United States

selected. So with the other claims. The tribunal fixed the order in

which Venezuela should pay the different countries, and the United

States was charged with overseeing the payments, a percentage of

Venezuelan customs receipts being reserved for that purpose.

In 1903 Andrew Carnegie donated $1,500,000 for the purpose of erecting a

"palace of peace," the permanent head-quarters of this court. The deed

of trust states: "The establishment of a permanent Court of Arbitration

by the treaty of the 29th of July, 1899, is the most important step

forward, of a world-wide humanitarian character, that has ever been

taken by the joint powers, as it must ultimately banish war, and

further, being of opinion that the cause of peace will greatly benefit

by the erection of a court house and library for the permanent Court of

Arbitration," etc.

The new Peace Palace, The Hague, Holland.

The site of this building, which will be ready for occupancy in 1912, is

near The Hague. Its exterior will resemble some of the old city walls to

be seen in Holland. The various governments which were parties to the

treaty have contributed materials for the completion of the interior and

objects of art for decoration. The United States presented a large

marble group of statuary called "Peace Through Justice."

Two notable congresses were held in the United States during the year

1904, for the purpose of promoting the peace of the world. The

Inter-Parliamentary Union held a meeting, the twelfth in its history, in

connection with the World's Fair at St. Louis. This organization was

founded at Paris in 1888 by thirty members of the French Chamber of

Deputies and ten members of the British Parliament, for the purpose of

promoting the cause of peace and arbitration. Scoffed at from the

beginning, the Union continued to grow until it included parliamentary

delegates from every European country having a constitutional form of

government.

The meeting of the Union at St. Louis was the first to be held in the

United States, for this country took no part in the organization until

1903. Russia and Turkey, having no parliaments, are not represented in

the meetings of the Union. It is a noteworthy fact however that the Czar

sent an official representative to the meeting in 1896 and that it was

due to his report of that meeting, more than to any other cause, that

the Czar invited the nations to send representatives to The Hague in

1898.

Russian and Japanese Peace Envoys in session at Portsmouth, N. H.

In the congress at St. Louis, representatives from the deliberative

bodies of fifteen nations were present. Among these delegates were some

of the well-known public men from Great Britain, France, Germany,

Austria, Italy, Belgium, The Netherlands, the United States, and various

other countries. They were practical men and not dreamers.

Two important resolutions resulted from the gathering. One of these

called upon the powers to intervene and put an end to the war between

Russia and Japan. The other invited the President of the United States

to call a second peace congress, similar to the Hague conference. The

resolution, addressed to President Roosevelt, stated that there were a

number of questions left unsettled from the first Hague conference and

that new problems had arisen since that time which demanded

readjustment, such as the use of wireless telegraphy in the time of war.

On October 3 of the same year an international peace congress was held

in Boston. Numerous congresses of this nature have been held from time

to time since the meeting of the first one in London in 1843. Since the

year 1888, when a congress was held in Paris, an international peace

congress has met each year with the exception of 1895, the year of the

Boer war, and in 1898 and 1899, on account of the Spanish-American war.

The first of these congresses in America was held in conjunction with

the Columbian Exposition at Chicago, 1893. There were in attendance at

Boston distinguished statesmen, clergymen, scholars, and professional

men, and a number of noted women, representing the many peace and

arbitration societies in Great Britain, Germany, Austria, and numerous

other countries.

On the Sunday before the opening of the congress, special services were

held in many of the Boston churches and the peace movement was discussed

by distinguished preachers from Europe and America. In the deliberative

sessions, which were held in Faneuil Hall, the Old South Meeting House,

and other places, the first session being opened by an address by

Secretary of State John Hay, the following topics, among others, were

discussed: the work and influence of the Hague Tribunal; the reduction

of the armaments of the nations; education and the peace sentiment. But

here, as in every previous congress, the two topics to receive primary

consideration have been arbitration and disarmament. At all times there

has been the urgent appeal to the nations to abandon the brutality and

injustice of war and to adopt the humane and just methods of peace.

In response to the resolution adopted at St. Louis, President Roosevelt,

on October 20, 1904, invited the nations which had taken part in the

first Hague conference to another conference at the same place. But in

his message to Congress of that year he defined very clearly his own

position, condemning in no uncertain terms the thought of peace at any

price. "There are kinds of peace," he said, "which are highly

undesirable, which are in the long run as destructive as any war. The

peace of tyrannous terror, the peace of craven weakness, the peace of

injustice--all these should be shunned as we shun unrighteous war."

Building where the second Peace Conference

was held, The Hague, Holland.

Favorable replies to the invitation sent by President Roosevelt were

received from all the nations. Russia, then in the midst of war with

Japan, while approving, stipulated that the conference should not be

called until the end of that war. When peace was restored, in the summer

of 1905, Emperor Nicholas II issued an invitation to fifty-three nations

to send representatives to such a conference. For the first time, nearly

every independent nation on the globe was represented among the

delegates in an international gathering of this nature. It met at The

Hague during the summer of 1907.

First session of the second Peace Conference, The Hague, Holland.

Delegates from the United States were instructed to favor obligatory

arbitration; the establishment of a permanent court of arbitration; the

prohibition of force in the collection of contract debts; immunity from

seizure of private property at sea; a clearer definition of the rights

of neutrals, and the limitation of armaments.

While belief was reasserted by the conference that there should be the

obligatory arbitration of all questions relating to treaties and

international problems of a legal nature, the principle was not adopted,

although thirty-two nations of the forty-five represented favored it.

The resolution adopted, which provided for the collection of contract

debts, is as follows: "In order to avoid between nations armed conflicts

of a purely pecuniary origin arising from contractual debts claimed of

the government of one country by the government of another country to be

due to its nationals, the signatory powers agree not to have recourse to

armed force for the collection of such contractual debts. However, this

stipulation shall not be applicable when the debtor State refuses or

leaves unanswered an offer to arbitrate; or, in case of acceptance,

makes it impossible to formulate the terms of submission; or, after

arbitration, fails to comply with the award rendered."

Provision was made for an international prize court, to which appeal

might be made from the prize courts of the belligerent powers. The

declaration was adopted prohibiting the throwing of projectiles and

explosives from balloons.

Before the end of the year 1908, one hundred and thirty-five arbitration

treaties had been concluded. The United States was a party to twelve of

these. Most of the treaties bind the signatory powers to submit to the

Hague Tribunal all differences in so far as they do not affect "the

independence, the honor, the vital interests, or the exercise of

sovereignty of the contracting countries, and provided it has been

impossible to obtain an amicable solution by means of direct diplomatic

negotiations or by any other method of conciliation."

CHAPTER VI

THE UNITED STATES AND LATIN AMERICA

[1905-1906]

Looking toward the completion of the Panama Canal, there has been a

revival of interest on the part of the United States in the republics of

South America. From the time of the promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine,

there has been a distant friendship on our part for these nations. The

plan inaugurated by James G. Blaine when Secretary of State is much

better understood to-day than in his time. In 1881, with the desire of

emphasizing the leadership of the United States in the western

hemisphere, he proposed a congress of all the American nations. Nothing

came of the proposal at the time, but in 1888 Congress passed a

resolution providing for such an international conference. The meeting

was in Washington the following year, and Secretary Blaine, as chairman,

exercised great influence. While the direct results of the meeting were

not great--principally a declaration in favor of the arbitration of all

disputes among these nations--the indirect benefits were considerable.

In 1901 a second Pan-American congress was held in the city of Mexico.

Courtesy of the Pan-American Union.

Federal Palace, where the second Pan-American

Congress was held in the City of Mexico.

In the meantime the trade with these countries has been largely

monopolized by England, France, and Germany. During the year 1905, the

total exports and imports of the Latin-American countries amounted to

$2,000,000,000. Of this foreign trade the United States bought 35 per

cent of the exports and sold to these countries only 27 per cent of

their imports, producing an unfavorable balance of trade amounting to

$200,000,000. Of the goods imported from this country, over one-fourth

went to Mexico and Cuba. In that year Brazil bought from the United

States only 11 per cent of its imports. Argentina, with a larger foreign

trade than either Japan or China, bought only 14 per cent of its imports

from the United States. With the exception of Mexico, the foreign

commerce of the Latin-American states with European countries has

increased more rapidly than with the United States. Various reasons have

been given for this situation. The sensitive South American resents the

air of superiority assumed toward them by the people of the United

States. In our newspapers there is a seeming disregard for the real

evidences of their national development. Revolutions and boundary

disputes have been exaggerated. In general, citizens of the United

States have no comprehension of the advancement of these countries

within recent times and appreciate but slightly that their economic

future is as fully assured as our own. Argentina constitutes an

excellent example of this progress. This country has an area of

1,135,840 square miles. Splendid rivers water the immense plains. The

chief of these, the Parana, which flows 2,000 miles through the country,

carries a volume of water to the sea one and one-half times that of the

Mississippi, and is capable of floating ships having a draught of 18

feet for 600 miles into the interior. Buenos Ayres, with a population of

1,000,000, in 1906 had a volume of foreign trade amounting to

$562,000,000, constituting it the twelfth port in the world. In 1905

over 10,000,000 acres of land were cultivated in Argentina, an increase

of fourfold within fifteen years. The cereals, cotton, fruits, and meats

produced amounted to $350,000,000.

That the volume of trade between this country and the South American

states has been so small has been due also to the fact that so few

vessels flying the stars and stripes are engaged in this trade.

According to the report of Secretary Root, in 1906, there were in the

harbor of Rio Janeiro the previous year, 1,785 ships flying the flag of

Great Britain; 657 the flag of Germany; 349 the French; 142 the

Norwegian, and 7 sailing vessels (two of them in distress) the flag of

the United States. The bulk of goods from this country to South America

goes by the way of European ports and on foreign ships.

Courtesy of the Pan-American Union.

Monroe Palace, where the third Pan-American

Conference was held in Rio de Janeiro.

July 4, 1906, the third Pan-American conference was opened at Rio

Janeiro. Among the leading questions discussed were: (1) the right of

creditor nations to enforce by war on the debtor nations contractual

obligations, or the right to use gun-boats as collection agents; and (2)

those relating to commercial intercourse. Besides the regular delegates

from the United States, Elihu Root, Secretary of State, was present at

the opening session. His address at this meeting, together with his

visit to the leading cities, served to inaugurate a new understanding

between these countries and the United States. The true American policy

was set forth by Secretary Root in the following toast: "May the

independence, the freedom, and the rights of the least and weakest be

ever respected equally with the rights of the strongest, and may we all

do our share toward the building up of a sound and enlightened public

opinion of the Americas which shall everywhere, upon both continents,

mightily promote the reign of peace, of order, and of justice in every

American republic." He went as Ambassador Extraordinary representing the

President of the United States. In order to emphasize his official

position, he travelled on an American war-ship. His addresses made in

the various cities were intended to be an official declaration from the

government of the United States, and that position was outlined in his

formal address before the congress. "We wish for no victories," he said,

"but those of peace; for no territory except our own; for no sovereignty

except the sovereignty over ourselves. We deem the independence and

equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations

entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem

the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak against

the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire any rights or

privileges or powers that we do not freely concede to every American

republic. We wish to increase our prosperity, to expand our trade, to

grow in wealth, in wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true

way to accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their

ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a common

growth, that we may all become greater and stronger together."

Courtesy of the Pan-American Union.

Arrival of Secretary Root at Rio de Janeiro.

The International Bureau of American Republics was founded as a result

of the first Pan-American conference. The original plans of the

founders were not carried out owing to a lack of interest on the part of

the Department of State as well as in the foreign offices of the South

American countries. Secretary Root determined to make this bureau an

efficient agency for bringing about better relations between the two

continents. He defined the main purpose to be not only to build up trade

and commerce among all American nations, but to promote more friendly

relations, a better understanding of each other, and the general

prosperity and well-being of all the countries of the American

continents. Through gifts from Andrew Carnegie and contributions from

the different South American states a splendid modern building, costing

$1,000,000, was erected in Washington, 1908, as the home of the Bureau

of the Pan-American Republics. Besides other enterprises, the Bureau

publishes a monthly periodical which contains information on the

commerce, new enterprises, and general development of each republic.

Photograph by Clinedinst.

The Bureau of the Pan-American Republics.

With these new relationships came a new interpretation of the Monroe

Doctrine. At various times European nations have engaged in

controversies with South American states over the payment of debts due

the citizens of the former. The question has then arisen, to what extent

shall the United States permit the use of force against the debtor

nations? The wider application of the Monroe Doctrine under President

Cleveland looking toward the maintenance of the rights of the weaker

American nations, has been followed by recognition of our obligation to

secure the performance of duties by those nations. Said President

Roosevelt (1905): "We cannot permanently adhere to the Monroe Doctrine

unless we succeed in making it evident, in the first place, that we do

not intend to treat it in any shape or way as an excuse for

aggrandizement on our part at the expense of the republics to the south

of us; second, that we do not intend to permit it to be used by any of

these republics as a shield to protect that republic from the

consequences of its own misdeeds against foreign nations; third, that

inasmuch as by this doctrine we prevent other nations from interfering

on this side of the water, we shall ourselves in good faith try to help

those of our sister republics, which need such help, upward toward peace

and order."

The immediate cause for this statement by President Roosevelt was the

problem confronting our government on account of the bankrupt condition

of the Republic of Santo Domingo. Debts had accumulated for over thirty

years until by the beginning of 1905 they amounted to more than

$32,000,000. Each successive ruler became a more reckless borrower and

new loans were secured upon harsher terms.

Finally affairs were brought to a crisis on account of the pressure on

the part of the French and Italian governments for the payment of the

claims of their citizens. The republic was on the verge of dissolution

when President Roosevelt intervened. European governments were

satisfied, for it signified the payment of their claims. An agreement

was signed by representatives of the government of Santo Domingo and of

the United States whereby the United States was to undertake the task of

collecting and apportioning the revenues of Santo Domingo. The

stipulation was made that no plan of annexation, purchase, or permanent

control on the part of the United States should ensue. Agents were to be

appointed by the United States who should take charge of the

customhouses. Forty-five per cent of the total receipts were to be used

in carrying on the affairs of the republic and the balance was to go to

pay the indebtedness. In his message, February, 1905, President

Roosevelt, pressing upon the Senate the urgent need for the ratification

of this agreement, said: "The state of things in Santo Domingo has

become hopeless unless the United States or some other strong government

shall interpose to bring order out of chaos. . . . If the United States

declines to take action and other foreign governments resort to action

to secure payment of their claims, the latter would be entitled,

according to the decision of the Hague Tribunal in the Venezuela cases,

to the preferential payment of their claims; and this would absorb all

the Dominican revenues and would be a virtual sacrifice of American

claims and interests in the island. If, moreover, any such action should

be taken by them, the only method to enable the payment of their claims

would be to take possession of the custom-houses, and, considering the

state of the Dominican finances, this would mean a definite and very

possibly permanent occupation of Dominican territory, for no period

could be set to the time which would be necessarily required for the

payment of their obligations and unliquidated claims." The Senate, in

special session, shirked responsibility and refused either to ratify or

reject the treaty.

With the revolutionists on the island growing stronger and the European

Powers becoming more insistent, President Roosevelt, disregarding the

attitude of the Senate, appointed an American as receiver of customs.

The move proved immediately successful. The insurrection died out, trade

revived, smuggling ceased, and the people were infused with a new

spirit. There was also a remarkable increase in the customs receipts,

those of 1906 showing an increase of 44 per cent over the receipts of

1905 and 72 per cent over those of 1904. Although only 45 per cent of

the revenues collected were turned over to the Dominican government,

this sum was almost double the amount which they had received when they

had control of the collection themselves.

After two years of discussion, the treaty was ratified by the Senate,

February 25, 1907, and by the Dominican Congress, May 3. The terms were

practically those which had been carried out by order of President

Roosevelt. The United States, in a sense, became the trustee of Santo

Domingo, and thus established a new relation between this country and

the smaller republics of the western hemisphere.

CHAPTER VII

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES

[1906]

Toward the close of the nineteenth century, attention was called to the

fact by scientific men that the methods employed in the use of our soil,

mines, forests, and water supply were extremely wasteful. During the

previous decades the resources of the country were regarded as

inexhaustible. As stated by President Roosevelt in 1907: "Hitherto as a

nation we have tended to live with an eye single to the present, and

have permitted the reckless waste and destruction of much of our

national wealth." At the same time the call came for the conservation of

our natural resources.

The destruction of the forests first attracted attention. The first

national reservation of forests was made in 1891, and in 1898 a marked

advance was made by the establishment of a division of Forestry in the

Department of Agriculture. Gifford Pinchot, as chief of the division,

called attention of the people to the interdependence of the forests and

the waterways.

Grizzly Giant, Mariposa Grove, California, with a squad of cavalry at

its base.

Big tree "Wanona," showing the relative size of other conifers compared

with big trees. Mariposa Grove.

In 1906, after long effort, the famous Mariposa Grove of large trees in

California was made a national reservation. During the same year a bill

was passed by Congress providing for the preservation of Niagara Falls.

Public opinion had been aroused by the campaign of the American Civic

Association. Power companies had multiplied so rapidly that it seemed

the whole volume of water was about to be used for commercial purposes

and that the most famous object of natural scenery in the United States

would be destroyed.

In response to appeals from the people of the interior, President

Roosevelt, March 14, 1907, appointed the Inland Waterways Commission. In

his letter which created the commission he said: "The time has come for

merging local projects and uses of the inland waters in a comprehensive

plan designed for the benefit of the entire country. . . . I ask that

the Inland Waterways Commission shall consider the relations of the

streams to the use of all the great permanent natural resources and

their conservation for the making and maintenance of prosperous homes."

This commission while carrying on its investigations discussed the

general policy of conservation and suggested to the President the

calling of a convention for the purpose of discussing the conservation

of the nation's resources. Thus originated the celebrated White House

conference of May 13-15, 1908. The opening session presented an

impressive scene, for there were assembled in the east room of the White

House, upon the invitation of the President, the Vice-President, seven

members of the cabinet, all of the justices of the Supreme Court, most

of the representatives and senators, thirty-four governors of States

together with their advisers, and representatives of the governors of

the remaining States, governors of the Territories, representatives of

sixty-eight national societies, and numerous special guests.

The opening address of President Roosevelt was a notable effort. "This

conference," he said, "on the conservation of natural resources is in

effect a meeting of the representatives of all the people of the United

States called to consider the weightiest problem now before the nation.

. . . We have become great in a material sense because of the lavish use

of our resources, and we have just reason to be proud of our growth. But

the time has come to inquire seriously what will happen when our forests

are gone; when the coal, the iron, the oil, and the gas are exhausted;

when the soils shall have been still further impoverished and washed

into the streams, polluting the rivers, denuding the fields, and

obstructing navigation. These questions do not relate only to the next

century or the next generation. One distinguishing characteristic of

really civilized men is foresight; we have to, as a nation, exercise

foresight for this nation in the future, and if we do not exercise that

foresight, dark will be the future!"

During the meeting numerous addresses were made on the conservation of

the minerals, of the soils, of the forests, and of the waters of the

country. In his address on the conservation of ores and related

minerals, Andrew Carnegie declared that during the three-fourths of a

century from 1820 to 1895 nearly 4,000,000,000 tons of coal were mined

by methods so wasteful that 6,000,000,000 tons were either destroyed or

allowed to remain in the ground forever inaccessible. From 1896 to 1906

as much coal was produced as during the preceding seventy-five years.

During this decade 3,000,000,000 tons were destroyed or left in the

ground beyond reach for future use. Basing his statements on the

investigations of scientists, he showed that at the present rate of

increase in production the available coal of the country would be

exhausted in two hundred years and the workable iron ore within a

century.

Copyright by Underwood and Underwood.

The President, Governors, and other leading

men at the National Resources Conference,

at the White House, May 13 to 15, 1908.

Similarly, James J. Hill demonstrated that the forests of this country

are fast disappearing and that from three to four times as much timber

was consumed each year as forest growth restored. His statements

regarding the tremendous soil waste in our farming methods were likewise

astounding. Resolutions were adopted covering the entire subject of

conservation as shown in one of them as follows: "We agree that the land

should be so used that erosion and soil-wash shall cease; that there

should be reclamation of arid and semi-arid regions by means of

irrigation, and of swamps and overflowed regions by means of drainage;

that the waters should be so conserved and used as to promote

navigation, to enable the arid regions to be reclaimed by irrigation,

and to develop power in the interests of the people; that the forests

which regulate our rivers, support our industries, and promote the

fertility and productiveness of the soil should be preserved and

perpetuated; that the minerals found so abundantly beneath the surface

should be so used as to prolong their utility; that the beauty,

healthfulness, and habitability of our country should be preserved and

increased; that the sources of national wealth exist for the benefit of

the people, and that monopoly thereof should not be tolerated." It was

recommended that the States should establish conservation commissions to

co-operate with one another and with a similar national commission.

On June 8, 1908, the first national conservation commission was created

by President Roosevelt. Its forty-nine members were men well known in

politics, in the industries, and scientific work. Gifford Pinchot was

chairman of this commission which submitted its first report at a

conference in Washington, December 8-10, 1908. The delegates consisted

of governors and other representatives from the States and from national

organizations. This report was received with favor and it was

recommended that the work of the commission should be continued.

Congress declined to make the necessary appropriation of $25,000 for

this purpose, although it was strongly endorsed by the President.

In 1901 the National Conservation Association was formed, a voluntary

organization of public and scientific men. The purpose of this

association is to carry on the movement for conservation in every State.

Within seven months after the White House conference, forty-one State

conservation commissions were created and fifty-one conservation

commissions representing national organizations were formed.

President Roosevelt carried the movement still farther in calling the

first North American conservation congress. Representatives to this

conference met in Washington, February 18, 1909. They came from Canada,

Newfoundland, and Mexico as well as the United States. Broad general

principles of conservation applicable to the North American continent

were adopted.

Gifford Pinchot, President

of the Conservation Commission.

The movement was materially strengthened also through the withdrawal of

large areas of the public domain from private entry. Thus 148,000,000

acres of forests and 80,000,000 acres of coal land were withdrawn during

President Roosevelt's administrations.

Directly connected with the problems of conservation are those of

irrigation. The so-called arid regions constitute two-fifths of the

area of the United States, or some 1,200,000 square miles. Of this vast

region, it has been estimated that about one-tenth can be irrigated to

advantage. By the end of the year 1908, some 13,000,000 acres had been

reclaimed, or nearly one-third of the total amount suitable for

irrigation purposes. This has brought about the rapid growth of cities

and a substantial industrial advance in the former arid regions of the