Элиша Бенджамин Эндрюс

«История Соединенных Штатов, Том 2»

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[Transcriber's Notes]

The debt of England caused by the French and Indian War of 140,000,000

Pounds sterling is equivalent to about 19,000,000,000 Pounds in 2006.

Thomas Paine's pamphlet "Common Sense" is available at

http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext03/comsn10a.txt

[1492-1495] indicate the following text covers this period, until the

next such appearance.

This is a list or unfamiliar (to me) words.

abatis

Defensive obstacle made by laying felled trees on top of each other

with branches, sometimes sharpened, facing the enemy.

appanage

Land or other source of revenue for the maintenance of a member of the

family of a ruling house. Whatever belongs rightfully to one's rank or

station in life. Natural or necessary accompaniment; adjunct. From the

Latin "panis"--bread or "apanar"--to nourish.

Aristides

Athenian statesman and general who fought at Marathon and Salamis. A

central figure in the confederation known as the Delian League.

encomia

Formal expression of praise; eulogy; tribute.

entails

To limit the inheritance of property to a specified succession of

heirs.

exigency

Requiring much effort or immediate action; urgent; pressing.

finical

Exacting about details; finicky; fussy; very particular.

indite

Compose or write.

lief

Gladly; willingly.

mooted

Hypothetical case argued by law students as an exercise. An ancient

English meeting of the freemen of a shire. To discuss or debate.

recreant

Cowardly, craven, unfaithful, disloyal, traitorous, apostate,

renegade.

subaltern

Lower in position or rank. British military rank below captain.

primogeniture

System of inheritance by the eldest son.

whilom

Former; erstwhile; at one time.

[End Transcriber's Notes]

After a painting by Gilbert Stuart. (The Gibbs Portrait.)

HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES

FROM THE EARLIEST DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

TO THE PRESENT TIME

By

E. BENJAMIN ANDREWS

CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA

FORMERLY PRESIDENT OF BROWN UNIVERSITY

With 650 Illustrations and Maps

VOLUME II.

NEW YORK

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

1912

COPYRIGHT, 1894, BY

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

CONTENTS

PERIOD III

REVOLUTION AND THE OLD CONFEDERATION

1763--1789

CHAPTER 1. RESULTS OF THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR

How Important.

Vergennes's Prophecy.

England in Debt.

Tempted to Tax Colonies.

Colonies Strengthened.

Military Experience Gained.

Leaders Trained.

Fighting Power Revealed.

Best of All, Union.

How Developed.

Nothing but War could have done This.

Scattered Condition of Population then.

Difficulties of Communication.

Other Centrifugal Influences.

France no longer a Menace to the Colonies.

But a Natural Friend and Ally.

Increase of Territory at the Colonies' Disposal.

CHAPTER II. GEORGE III. AND HIS AMERICAN COLONIES

Character of the Young King.

Policy

Advisers.

Indefinite Causes Separating Colonies from England.

England Blind to These.

Ignorant of the Colonies.

Stricter Enforcement of Navigation Laws.

Writs of Assistance.

James Otis.

Stamp Act.

Opposition.

Vigorous and Widespread Retaliation by Non-importation.

England Recedes.

Her Side of the Question.

Lord Mansfield's Argument.

Pitt's.

Constitutional and Historical Considerations not Sufficient.

George III.'s Case Better Legally than Practically.

Natural Rights.

Townshend's Duties.

Massachusetts's Opposition.

Samuel Adams.

Committees of Correspondence.

The Billeting Act.

Boston Massacre.

Statement of Grievances.

The Tea.

Coercion Resolved upon.

First Continental Congress.

Drifting into War.

CHAPTER III. INDEPENDENCE AND THE NEW STATES

Slow Growth of Desire for Independence.

Why.

Early Schemes of Union.

New York Convention of 1690.

Albany Convention of 1754.

Franklin's Plan for a Confederation of Colonies.

Even in 1774 no Hint of Independence.

Hardly in 1775.

Swift Change at Last.

All the Colonies Turn to the New Idea.

Causes.

Dickinson and Harrison.

The King's Barbarity.

The Gaspe Affair.

Capture of Fort William and Mary.

Paine's "Common Sense."

Declaration of Independence Mooted.

Debated.

Drafted.

Passed and Signed.

Jefferson.

How far he Followed Earlier Utterances.

Effect of the Declaration.

Anarchy in the Colonies.

New State Governments.

New Constitutions.

Their Provisions.

Changes from the Old Order.

General Character of the Documents.

CHAPTER IV. OUTBREAK OF WAR; WASHINGTON'S MOVEMENTS

General Gage in Boston.

Lexington.

Concord.

The Retreat.

Siege of Boston.

Bunker Hill.

Warren's Fall.

Losses of the two Sides.

Washington Commander-in-Chief.

His Character.

Difficulties.

Bad Military System.

Gage Evacuates Boston.

Moultrie's Defence of Charleston Harbor.

New York the Centre of Hostilities.

Long Island Given up.

New York City also.

Forts Washington and Lee Captured.

Retreat across New Jersey.

Splendid Stroke at Trenton.

Princeton.

Brandywine and Germantown.

The Winter at Valley Forge.

Hardships.

Steuben's Arrival and Drill.

Battle of Monmouth.

CHAPTER V. THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN

On to Canada.

Ethan Allen takes "Old Ti."

Montgomery's Advance.

Benedict Arnold's.

They attack Quebec.

Montgomery Falls.

Morgan in the Lower Town.

The Siege Raised.

Retreat.

Burgoyne's Advance.

The British Plan.

Ticonderoga again in British Hands.

On to Fort Edward.

St. Leger's Expedition.

Battle of Oriskany.

St. Leger Driven Back.

Baume's Expedition.

Battle of Bennington.

Stark.

Burgoyne in a Cul-de-sac.

Gates Succeeds Schuyler.

First Battle of Bemis's Heights or Stillwater.

Burgoyne's Position Critical.

No Tidings from Clinton.

Second Battle.

Arnold the Hero.

The Briton Retreats.

Capitulates.

Little Thanks to Gates.

Importance of Burgoyne's Surrender.

CHAPTER VI. THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGNS

Massacres of Wyoming and Cherry Valley.

Battle of Rhode Island.

Raids.

Wayne takes Stony Point.

Paul Jones and his Naval Victory.

The War in the South.

Lincoln Surrenders.

All South Carolina Gone.

Clinton's Severity.

Bravely withstood by Southern Leaders and People.

Washington Sends Aid.

Gates and De Kalb.

Battle of Camden.

Exit Gates.

De Kalb's Valor and Death.

Arnold's Treason.

The South Prostrate.

Colonial Victory of King's Mountain.

General Greene to the South.

His History.

His Plan.

Morgan Beats Carleton at Cowpens.

Cornwallis Sweeps Northward.

Greene's Skilful Retreat.

Battle of Guilford Court-House.

Cornwallis to Virginia.

The Carolinas and Georgia Recovered.

Washington to Yorktown.

French Aid.

Cornwallis Surrenders.

Effects.

CHAPTER VII. PEACE

Peace Sentiment in England.

Reasons.

Ill Conduct of the War.

Expense.

Vain Concession.

France Aids America.

Spain too.

Lord North Wavers.

Holland Joins the Colonies.

Cornwallis's Surrender.

Franklin in France.

Influence and Skill.

Joy.

Negotiations for a Treaty of Peace.

The Treaty Signed.

Its Provisions.

Peace a Benediction.

Cessation of Hostilities.

Redcoats Depart.

New York Evacuated.

Washington's Adieu to the Army.

Resigns his Commission.

Revisits Mount Vernon.

CHAPTER VIII. AMERICAN MANHOOD IN THE REVOLUTION

Character of Revolutionary Soldiers.

Causes.

Physical Basis and Previous Training.

Bunker Hill.

Moultrie.

Marylanders at Long Island.

At Monmouth.

Nathan Hale.

Andre.

Paul Jones and his Exploit.

Ethan Allen.

Prescott.

"Old Put."

Richard Montgomery.

General Greene.

Stark.

Dan Morgan.

Other Generals.

Colonel Washington.

De Kalb.

Robert Morris, Financier.

Franklin, Diplomatist.

Washington.

Military Ability.

Mental and Moral Characteristics.

Honesty.

Modesty.

Encomia upon Him.

CHAPTER IX. THE OLD CONFEDERATION

The Revolutionary Congress.

The Articles of Confederation.

Synopsis.

Congress.

Its Powers.

Advantages of the Confederation.

Critical State of Affairs after the War.

State Sovereignty.

Antagonized by Existence of the Articles.

Faults of the Confederation.

No Power over Individuals.

Treaties.

Taxation.

War Debt.

Mutinous Spirit in Army.

Washington's Steadfastness.

Congress Menaced.

Discord of Commercial Laws.

England's Hostile Attitude.

Needed Amendments to the Articles.

Lack of a Central Power.

Northwest Territory.

Ordinance of 1787.

Its Excellence.

The Ohio Company.

Settlement at Marietta.

CHAPTER X. RISE OF THE NEW CONSTITUTION

Anarchy after the Revolution.

Shays' Rebellion.

Washington's Influence.

Continental Sects.

Hamilton's Motion for a Stronger Government.

Massachusetts's Motion.

Forwardness of Virginia.

Of Madison.

Origin of Annapolis Convention, 1786.

Its Action.

Meeting of the Constitutional Convention, 1787.

The Virginia Plan.

New Jersey Plan.

Growth of the Constitution.

Personnel of the Convention.

Its Distinguished Men.

Subsequent Careers of Many.

Rutledge.

Rufus King.

Completion of the Constitution.

Ratification.

Struggle in Massachusetts.

In Virginia.

In New York.

In North Carolina.

In Rhode Island.

"More Perfect Union" at Last.

Part Second

THE UNITED STATES UNDER THE CONSTITUTION

PERIOD I

THE UNITED STATES AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

1789-1814

CHAPTER I. THE NEW GOVERNMENT

Launching the Constitution.

Washington's First Inauguration.

Distribution of our Population in 1790.

In the States.

Cities.

New York City.

Difference between the Old Government and the New.

Status of the State.

Benefits of the New Order.

Popularity of the Constitution.

Thoroughness of First Congress.

Origin of Post-office Department.

Treasury.

Revenue and Monetary System.

Judiciary.

Secretary of War.

Leaders in First Congress.

CHAPTER II. FEDERALISM AND ANTI--FEDERALISM

Origin and Development of the Two Terms.

Policy of Federalism.

Federalists Aristocratic.

Two Stripes of Federalists.

Policy of the Anti-federalists.

Close and Liberal Constructionists.

Argument of the Federalists on Article 1., Section 8.

Reply of Anti-federalists.

Historical Facts in Support of the Latter.

CHAPTER III. DOMESTIC QUESTIONS OF WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATIONS

I. TARIFF: Restrictive Policy after the Revolution.

Object of its Advocates to Strengthen the Central Government.

Retaliatory Spirit against England.

Desire for Independence as to Military Supplies.

II. FUNDING THE DEBT: Debt at Close of Revolution.

Congress Liquidates the Domestic Federal Debt.

Assumes State Debts.

Debate on This.

Secured by a "Deal."

Scheme for Payment.

III. THE EXCISE; Excise on Spirits.

Opposition in Pennsylvania.

Result.

IV. THE BANK: Chartered by Congress.

Hostility.

Jefferson's Argument.

Hamilton's.

Good Influence of the Bank.

CHAPTER IV. RELATIONS WITH ENGLAND

Revolution in France.

Washington's Proclamation of Neutrality.

Jefferson's Criticism.

Rives's.

Arguments for Aiding France.

Results of Neutrality.

Federalist Leaning toward Great Britain.

Attitude of Great Britain.

Impressment of our Seamen.

War Imminent.

Jay's Treaty.

Fisher Ames Urges Ratification.

CHAPTER V. RELATIONS WITH THE FRENCH REPUBLIC

Federalists Condemn, Republicans Favor, the French Revolution.

Causes of its Popularity.

Justification of the Administration's Policy.

France Violates the Treaty.

Genet's High-handed Action.

His Insolence and Final Removal.

Effect of Jay's Treaty upon France.

Further Overtures to France.

Result.

Anti-federalists Confounded.

War Feeling in this Country.

Adams's Patriotic Course.

War Averted.

CHAPTER VI. DECLINE OF THE FEDERALIST PARTY

Federalist Excesses.

Alien and Sedition Acts.

Conviction of Matthew Lyon.

Results of the Federalist Policy.

Its Animus.

Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions.

These Criticised.

Unpopularity of the Federalist Measures.

This Dooms Federalism.

Federalist Dissensions.

Federalist Opposition to the Administration.

Waning Power of Federalism.

Its Good After-influence.

CHAPTER VII. THE WEST

Kentucky and Tennessee become States.

Unorganized and Organized Territory.

Settlements in the Northwest.

Centres of Population.

Early Land System.

Indian Outbreaks.

Harmar's Expedition.

Treaty with the Creeks.

Expedition of St. Clair.

Forts Built.

St. Clair's Defeat.

His Deposition from Military Command.

Wayne's Victory.

Pioneer Life.

Indiana Territory Formed.

Ohio a State.

System of Marketing Public Lands.

Mississippi Territory Organized.

CHAPTER VIII. SOCIAL CULTURE AT THE TURN OF THE CENTURY

Population.

Rural Life.

Theatres.

Sports.

Lotteries.

Steam Navigation.

The Old-fashioned Muster.

Intemperance.

Introduction of Sunday-schools.

Spanish Coins.

Colonial Money still in Use.

"Fip," "Levy," "Pistareen."

Newspapers and Postal Arrangements.

Party Strife.

Innovations and Inventions.

Beginnings of the American Factory System.

Oliver Evans.

Samuel Slater.

CHAPTER IX. DEMOCRACY AT THE HELM

Jefferson's Election.

XIIth Amendment to the Constitution.

Power of Democracy.

Its Policy.

Jefferson the Typical Democrat.

His Character.

His Civil Service Policy.

Burr's Rise.

Shoots Hamilton in a Duel.

His Treason.

His Arrest.

Purchase of Louisiana.

Immense Increase of Territory.

Trouble with the Barbary Powers.

Their Insolence.

Dale's Expedition.

Further Successes.

CHAPTER X. THE WAR OF 1812

Great Britain Ignores International Law.

Impresses American Seamen.

The Chesapeake Affair.

Navigation Act and Berlin Decree.

England Questions our Neutrality.

Preparations for War.

Ill Success of Land Operations.

Harrison's Victory over Proctor.

Jackson Conquers the Creeks.

Battle of New Orleans.

Naval Victories.

Battle of Lake Erie.

Opposition of the Federalists to the War.

New England Remonstrances.

Attitude of Sects.

Treaty of Ghent.

Its Provisions.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

GEORGE WASHINGTON

BLOODY POND, NEAR LAKE GEORGE, WHICH IS SAID TO STILL CONTAIN THE BONES

OF MANY OF THOSE WHO FELL IN THE FIGHT AT

FORT WILLIAM HENRY

KING GEORGE III.

JAMES OTIS, JR.

BURNING THE STAMPS IN NEW YORK

THE BOSTON MASSACRE. (From an engraving by Paul Revere)

PINE TREE FLAG OF MASSACHUSETTS

RATTLESNAKE FLAG OF SOUTH CAROLINA

UNION FLAG. THE FIRST RECOGNIZED CONTINENTAL STANDARD, RAISED FOR THE

FIRST TIME JANUARY 2, 1776

THOMAS PAINE

A PROFILE VIEW OF THE HEIGHTS OF CHARLESTOWN

BUNKER HILL BATTLE. (From a contemporary print)

JOSEPH WARREN

GENERAL HOWE

GENERAL CHARLES LEE. (Although intended for a caricature, this is

considered an excellent likeness)

BARON VON STEUBEN

RICHARD MONTGOMERY

THE DEATH OF MONTGOMERY AT QUEBEC

GENERAL HERKIMER AT THE BATTLE OF ORISKANY

GENERAL JOHN STARK

GENERAL HORATIO GATES

JOHN PAUL JONES'S MEDAL

JOHN PAUL JONES'S MEDAL. (Reverse)

GENERAL SULLIVAN

GENERAL LINCOLN

GENERAL MARION IN CAMP

MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE

BENEDICT ARNOLD

ARNOLD'S ESCAPE

GENERAL NATHANIEL GREENE

THE SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS AT YORKTOWN

GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN

LORD CORNWALLIS

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

FACSIMILE OF SIGNATURES TO TREATY OF PEACE

JOHN PAUL JONES

FIGHT BETWEEN THE BON HOMME RICHARD AND THE SERAPIS

GENERAL ANTHONY WAYNE

THE ENCOUNTER BETWEEN TARLETON AND COLONEL WASHINGTON

DeKALB WOUNDED AT CAMDEN

THE FRANKLIN PENNY

DOLLAR OF 1794. (The first United States coin)

A SCENE AT SPRINGFIELD DURING SLAYS' REBELLION, WHEN THE MOB ATTEMPTED

TO PREVENT THE HOLDING OF THE COURTS OF JUSTICE

JOHN WESLEY

CELEBRATING THE ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION IN NEW YORK

ALEXANDER HAMILTON (From a painting by John Trumbull in the Trumbull

Gallery at Yale College)

ILLICIT DISTILLERS WARNED OF THE APPROACH OF REVENUE OFFICERS

JOHN JAY. (From a painting by S. F. B. Morse in the Yale College

Collection)

JOHN ADAMS. (From a copy by Jane Stuart, about 1874, of a painting by

her father, Gilbert Stuart, about 1800-in possession of Henry Adams)

GEORGE CLINTON. (From a painting by Ezra Ames)

JOHN MARSHALL

ELERIDGE GERRY

GENERAL ARTHUR ST. CLAIR

JOSEPH BRANT OR THAYENDANEGEA

DUGOUT OF A SOUTHWESTERN PIONEER

ROBERT FULTON

FULTON'S FIRST EXPERIMENT WITH PADDLE-WHEELS

DEPARTURE OF THE CLERMONT ON HER FIRST VOYAGE

JOHN FITCH'S STEAMBOAT AT PHILADELPHIA

MASSACHUSETTS BILL OF THREE SHILLINGS IN 1741

NEW HAMPSHIRE BILL OF FORTY SHILLINGS IN 1742

MASSACHUSETTS TWOPENCE OF 1722

PINE TREE TWOPENCE

PINE TREE THREEPENCE

PINE TREE SIXPENCE

PINE TREE SHILLING

POSTAL PROGRESS, 1776-1876

COTTON PLANT

THE COTTON GIN. (From the original model)

ELI WHITNEY

THOMAS JEFFERSON. (From the painting by Gilbert Stuart--property of T.

Jefferson Coolidge)

AARON BURR. (From a painting by Vanderlyn at the New York Historical

Society)

STEPHEN DECATUR

LIEUTENANT DECATUR ON THE TURKISH VESSEL DURING THE BOMBARDMENT OF

TRIPOLI

JAMES MADISON (From a painting by Gilbert Stuart--property of T.

Jefferson Coolidge)

TECUMSEH

OLIVER H. PERRY

PERRY TRANSFERRING HIS COLORS FROM THE LAWRENCE TO THE NIAGARA

LIST OF MAPS

THE UNITED COLONIES AT THE BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION

PLAN OF BUNKER HILL

MAP OF MANHATTAN ISLAND IN 1776, SHOWING THE AMERICAN DEFENCES, ETC.

MAP SHOWING THE PROGRESSIVE ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY BY THE UNITED

STATES

PERIOD III.

REVOLUTION AND THE OLD CONFEDERATION

1763-1789

CHAPTER I.

RESULTS OF THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR

[1763]

The results of the French and Indian War were out of all proportion to

the scale of its military operations. Contrasted with the campaigns

which were then shaking all Europe, it sank into insignificance; and the

world, its eyes strained to see the magnitude and the issue of those

European wars, little surmised that they would dictate the course of

history far less than yonder desultory campaigning in America. Yet here

and there a political prophet foresaw some of these momentous indirect

consequences of the war. "England will erelong repent," said Vergennes,

then the French ambassador at Constantinople, "of having removed the

only check that could keep her colonies in awe. They no longer stand in

need of her protection. She will call on them to contribute toward

supporting the burdens they have helped to bring upon her, and they will

answer by striking off all dependence." This is, in outline, the history

of the next twenty years.

The war in Europe and America had been a heavy drain upon the treasury

of England. Her national debt had doubled, amounting at the conclusion

of peace to 140,000,000 Pounds sterling. The Government naturally

desired to lay upon its American subjects a portion of this burden,

which had been incurred partly on their behalf. The result was that new

system of taxation which the king and his ministers sought to impose

upon the colonies, and which was the immediate cause of the Revolution.

The hated taxes cannot, of course, be traced to the French and Indian

War alone as their source. England had for years shown a growing purpose

to get revenue out of her American dependencies; but the debt incurred

by the war gave an animus and a momentum to this policy which carried it

forward in the face of opposition that might otherwise have warned even

George III. to pause ere it was too late.

[1765]

While the war thus indirectly led England to encroach upon the rights of

the colonies, it also did much to prepare the latter to resist such

encroachment. It had this effect mainly in two ways: by promoting union

among the colonies, and by giving to many of their citizens a good

training in the duties of camp, march, and battle-field.

The value to the colonists of their military experience in this war can

hardly be overestimated. If the outbreak of the Revolution had found the

Americans a generation of civilians, if the colonial cause had lacked

the privates who had seen hard service at Lake George and Louisburg, or

the officers, such as Washington, Gates, Montgomery, Stark, and Putnam,

who had learned to fight successfully against British regulars by

fighting with them, it is a question whether the uprising would not have

been stamped out, for a time at least, almost at its inception.

Especially at the beginning of such a war, when the first necessity is

to get a peaceful nation under arms as quickly as possible, a few

soldier-citizens are invaluable. They form the nucleus of the rising

army, and set the standard for military organization and discipline. In

fact, the French and Indian War would have repaid the colonies all it

cost even if its only result had been to give the youthful Washington

that schooling in arms which helped fit him to command the Continental

armies. Without the Washington of Fort Necessity and of Braddock's

defeat, we could in all likelihood never have had the Washington of

Trenton and Yorktown. Besides Washington, to say nothing of Gates, Gage,

and Mercer, also there, Dan Morgan, of Virginia, began to learn war in

the Braddock campaign.

Bloody Pond, near Lake George, which is said to still contain the

bones of many of those who fell in the fight at Fort William Henry.

Again, the war prepared the colonists for the Revolution by revealing to

them their own rare fighting quality, and by showing that the dreaded

British regulars were not invincible. No foe would, at Saratoga or

Monmouth, see the backs of the men who had covered the redcoats' retreat

from the field of Braddock's death, scaled the abatis of Louisburg, or

brained Dieskau's regulars on the parapet of Fort William Henry.

But there was one thing even more necessary to the Revolutionists than

skill at arms, and that was union. Their only hope of successful

resistance against the might of England lay in concerted action, and

perhaps the most important result of the long war through which they had

been passing was the sense of union and of a common cause with which it

had inspired the thirteen colonies. This feeling was of course still

none too intense. But during the long war the colonies had drawn nearer

to one another than ever before. Soldiers from New Hampshire and North

Carolina, from Virginia and Massachusetts, bivouacked together, and

fought shoulder to shoulder. Colonial officers forgot local jealousies

in a common resentment of the contempt and neglect shown them all alike

by the haughty subalterns of the king. Mutual good-will was fostered by

the money and troops which the southern and less exposed colonies sent

to their sister commonwealths on the frontier. In these and numberless

minor ways a community of sentiment was engendered which, imperfect as

it was, yet prepared the way for that hearty co-operation which was to

carry the infant States through the fiery trial just before them.

It is important to remember, as well, not only that the war built up

this conviction of a common interest, but that nothing except the war

could have done it. The great forces of nineteenth-century

civilization--the locomotive, the telegraph, the modern daily

newspaper--which now bind sixty millions of people, spread over half a

continent, into one nation, were then unknown. The means of

communication and transportation between the colonies were very

primitive. Roads were rough, full of steeps and cuts, and in many

places, especially near cities, almost impassable with mire. It took

seven days to go by stage from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh, four days

from Boston to New York. The mail service was correspondingly inadequate

and slow. At times in winter a letter would be five weeks in going from

Philadelphia to Virginia. The newspapers were few, contained little

news, and the circulation of each was necessarily confined to a very

limited area. It has been estimated that the reading-matter in all the

forty-three papers which existed at the close of the Revolution would

not fill ten pages of the New York Herald now. In connection with this

state of things consider the fact that the idea of colonial solidarity

had not then, as now, merely to be sustained. It had to be created

outright. Local pride and jealousy were still strong. Each colony had

thought of itself as a complete and isolated political body, in a way

which it is difficult for us, after a hundred years of national unity,

to conceive. Plainly a lifetime of peace would not have begotten the

same degree of consolidation among the colonies which the war, with its

common danger and common purpose, called into being in a half-dozen

years.

The war did yet another important service by removing a dangerous

neighbor of the colonies. So long as France, ambitious and warlike, kept

foot-hold in the New World, the colonies had to look to the

mother-country for protection. But this danger gone, England ceased to

be necessary to the safety of the embryo political communities, and her

sovereignty was therefore the more readily renounced. English statesmen

foresaw this danger before the Peace of Paris, and but for the

magnanimity of Pitt our western territory might after all have been left

in the hands of France.

And the cession of Canada, besides removing an enemy, helped to

transform that enemy into an active friend. Had France retained her

possessions in America, she would still have had an interest in

maintaining the colonial system, and it is doubtful if even her hatred

of England would have induced her to aid the rebellious colonies. But,

her dream of a great Western empire forever dispelled, she had much to

gain and nothing to lose by drawing sword for the American cause. The

British defeated the French at Quebec only to meet them again at

Yorktown.

One more result remains to be noted, without which what has preceded

would lose half its significance. By the Peace of Paris England

succeeded to all of France's possessions in America east of the

Mississippi; but the most valuable part of this great territory she won

only to hold in trust a few years for her colonial children. The

redcoats under Amherst and Wolfe, who thought they were fighting for

King George, were in reality winning an empire for the Young Republic.

It is not easy to feel the full significance of this. The colonies

might, indeed, have won independence even if France had retained her

grasp on the valley of the Mississippi; but so long as the new-born

nation was shut up to a narrow strip along the Atlantic coast, it would

have been a lion caged. The "conquest of Canada," says Green, "by ...

flinging open to their energies in the days to come the boundless plains

of the West, laid the foundation of the United States."

CHAPTER II.

GEORGE III. AND HIS AMERICAN COLONIES

[1760]

The year after the capture of Quebec a young king ascended the throne of

England, whose action was to affect profoundly the fortunes of the

American colonies. Of narrow mental range and plebeian tastes, but

moral, sincere, and stout-hearted, George III. assumed the crown with

one dominant purpose--to rule personally; and the first decade of his

reign was a constant struggle to free himself from the dictation of

cabinet ministers. In 1770, during the premiership of North, who was

little more than his page, the king gained the day; and for the next

dozen years he had his own way perfectly. All points of policy, foreign

and domestic, even the management of debates in Parliament, he was

crafty enough to get into his hands. To this meddling of his with state

affairs, his impracticable and fickle plans, and the stupidity of the

admirers whom his policy forced upon him, may be traced in very large

measure the breach between England and the colonies.

The Revolution, however, cannot be wholly accounted for by any series of

events which can be set down and labelled. The ultimate causes lie

deeper. Three thousand miles of ocean rolled between England and the

colonies. A considerable measure of colonial self-government was

inevitable from the first, and this, by fostering the spirit of

independence, created a demand for more and more freedom. The social

ties which had bound the early Pilgrims to their native land grew

steadily weaker with each new generation of people who knew no home but

America. The colonists had begun to feel the stirrings of an independent

national life. The boundless possibilities of the future on this new

continent, with its immense territory and untold natural wealth, were

beginning to dawn upon them. Their infancy was over. The leading-strings

which bound them to the mother-country must be either lengthened or cast

off altogether.

King George III.

But England did not see this. Most Englishmen at the beginning of George

III.'s reign regarded the colonies as trading corporations rather than

as political bodies. It was taken for granted that a colony was inferior

to the mother-country, and was to be managed in the interests of the

commercial classes at home. Conflict was therefore inevitable sooner or

later. We have to trace briefly the chief events by which it was

precipitated.

James Otis, Jr.

[1764]

In 1760-61 England tried to enforce the navigation laws more strictly.

Writs of assistance issued, empowering officers to enter any house at

any time, to search for smuggled goods. This measure aroused a storm of

indignation. The popular feeling was voiced, and at the same time

intensified, by the action of James Otis, Jr., a young Boston lawyer,

who threw up his position as advocate-general rather than defend the

hated writs, which he denounced as "instruments of slavery." "Then and

there," said John Adams, "the trumpet of the Revolution was sounded."

In May, 1764, a report reached Boston that a stamp act for the colonies

had been proposed in Parliament, to raise revenue by forcing the use in

America of stamped forms for all sorts of public papers, such as deeds,

warrants, and the like. A feeling of mingled rage and alarm seized the

colonists. It seemed that a deliberate blow was about to be struck at

their liberties. From the day of their founding the colonies had never

been taxed directly except by their own legislatures. Massachusetts, New

York, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and Virginia at once sent

humble but earnest protests to Parliament against the proposed

innovation.

The act was nevertheless passed in March of the next year, with almost

no opposition. By its provisions, business documents were illegal and

void unless written on the stamped paper. The cheapest stamp cost a

shilling, the price ranging upward from that according to the importance

of the document. The prepared paper had to be paid for in specie, a

hardship indeed in a community where lawsuits were very common, and

whose entire solid coin would not have sufficed to pay the revenue for a

single year. Even bitterest Tories' declared this requirement

indefensible. Another flagrant feature of the act was the provision that

violators of it should be tried without a jury, before a judge whose

only pay came from his own condemnations.

Burning the Stamps in New York.

[1765]

The effect upon the colonies was like that of a bomb in a

powder-magazine. The people rose up en masse. In every province the

stamp-distributor was compelled to resign. In Portsmouth, N. H., the

newspaper came out in mourning, and an effigy of the Goddess of Liberty

was carried to the grave. The Connecticut legislature ordered a day of

fasting and prayer kept, and an inventory of powder and ball taken. In

New York a bonfire was made of the stamps in the public square. The

bells in Charleston, S. C., were tolled, and the flags on the ships in

the harbor hung at half-mast. The colonists entered into agreements to

buy no goods from England until the act was repealed. Even mourning

clothes, since they must be imported, were not to be worn, and lamb's

flesh was abjured that more wool might be raised for home manufacture.

England's colonial trade fell off so alarmingly in consequence that

Manchester manufacturers petitioned Parliament to repeal the act,

asserting that nine-tenths of their workmen were idle. Besides these

popular demonstrations, delegates from nine colonies met in New York, in

October, 1765, often called the Stamp Act Congress, and adopted a

declaration of rights, asserting that England had no right to tax them

without their consent. During the days of the Stamp Act excitement, the

term "colonist" gave way to "American," and "English" to "British," a

term of the deeper opprobrium because Bute, the king's chief adviser,

was a Briton.

Startled by this unexpected resistance, Parliament, in January of the

next year, began to debate repeal. We must in fairness to England look

at both sides of the problem of colonial taxation. As general

administrator of colonial affairs, the English Government naturally

desired a fixed and certain revenue in America, both for frontier

defence against Indians and French and for the payment of colonial

governors. While each stood ready to defend its own territory, the

colonies were no doubt meanly slow about contributing to any common

fund. They were frequently at loggerheads, too, with their governors

over the question of salaries. On the other hand, the colonists made the

strong plea that self-taxation was their only safeguard against tyranny

of king, Parliament, or governor.

In the great debate which now ensued in Parliament over England's right

to tax America, Mansfield, the greatest constitutional lawyer of his

day, maintained--first, that America was represented in Parliament as

much as Manchester and several other large cities in England which

elected no members to the House of Commons, and yet were taxed; and,

second, that an internal tax, such as that on stamps, was identical in

principle with customs duties, which the colonies had never resisted. In

reply, Pitt, the great champion of the colonies, asserted--first, that

the case of the colonies was not at all like that of Manchester; the

latter happened not to be represented at that time because the election

laws needed reforming, while the colonies, being three thousand miles

away, could in the nature of the case never be adequately represented in

an English Parliament; and, second, that as a matter of fact a sharp

distinction had always, since the Great Charter, been made between

internal taxation and customs duties.

Had the colonies rested their case upon constitutional argument alone it

would have been relatively weak. While it was then a question, and will

be forever, whether the American settlements were king's colonies,

Parliament's colonies, or neither, but peculiar communities which had

resulted from growth, the English lawyers had a good deal of logic on

their side. Unconstitutional measures had indeed been resorted to--the

writs of assistance, taking Americans beyond sea for trial, internal

taxation; yet the real grievance lay far less in these things than in

the fact that the English constitution itself was working in a manner

contrary to colonial interests. Social considerations, too, accounted

for more bitterness than has usually been thought. Our fathers hated the

presence here of a privileged class.

George III.'s policy was therefore wiser legally than politically. This

was, in fact, his ministry's capital mistake--like Lord Salisbury's in

respect to Ireland in 1888--that it had too great regard for the mere

legal aspect of the question, ignoring the practical. The colonists were

too numerous, powerful, and far away, longer to be governed from home,

at least by the old plan. To attempt perpetuation of the old regime

might be lawful, but was certainly impracticable and stupid. Hence

Americans like Jefferson showed themselves consummate politicians in

going beyond Pitt's contention from the constitution and from precedent,

and appealing to the "natural rights" of the colonists. "Our rights,"

said Otis, in substance, "do not rest on a charter, but are inherent in

us as men." "The people" said John Adams in 1765, "have rights

antecedent to all earthly government."

[1767]

The Stamp Act was repealed in February. Its principle, however, was

immediately re-asserted by the "Declaratory Act," in which Parliament

claimed power over the colonies "in all cases whatsoever." The repeal

caused great rejoicing in America; but neither king nor Parliament had

changed policy respecting colonial affairs. There soon followed, in

rapid succession, that series of blundering acts of oppression which

completed the work begun by the Stamp Act, and drove the colonists into

rebellion.

In 1767 duties were laid upon glass, paper, painters' colors, and tea.

Massachusetts, again taking the lead, sent a circular-letter to all the

colonies, proposing a united supplication to the throne. For refusal to

rescind this letter the Massachusetts assembly was dissolved at the

command of the angry king. This refusal was the first denial of the

king's prerogative; only the authority of Parliament had been resisted

before. The soul of the colonial cause in Massachusetts at this time was

Samuel Adams, of Boston, "the last of the Puritans," a man of powerful

and logical mind, intrepid heart, and incorruptible patriotism.

America's debt to him for his work in these early years cannot be

estimated. At this juncture he organized committees of safety and

correspondence throughout Massachusetts, which led to the formation of

such committees in the other colonies. They did an invaluable work in

binding the scattered sections together, and providing for emergencies.

[1768]

The Billeting Act, which required the colonists to lodge and feed the

British troops quartered among them, added fuel to the flames. In 1768

the New York legislature refused to comply, and Parliament suspended its

legislative functions.

[1770]

In the fall of the same year, seizing as a pretext two ship-riots which

had occurred in the summer, the king stationed four regiments in Boston.

Public sentiment was shocked and indignant at this establishment of a

military guard over a peaceable community. The presence of the soldiers

was a constant source of irritation. Frequent altercations occurred

between the soldiers and the lower class of citizens. The trouble

culminated in the Boston Massacre of March 5, 1770. A squad of soldiers,

set upon by a mob of men and boys, fired into the crowd, killing three

persons and wounding eight others. That the soldiers had considerable

justification is proved by the fact that a jury acquitted all but two,

who were convicted of manslaughter, and branded. But exaggerated reports

of the occurrence spread like wildfire throughout the colonies, and

wrought powerfully for hatred against England.

[1772]

During the next two or three years there was comparative quiet.

Massachusetts, it is true, under the tutelage of Samuel Adams, grew more

radical in its demands. In 1772 the committee of Boston issued a

statement of grievances, adding, as new complaints, the sending of

persons to England for trial, restraints upon colonial manufacturers,

and a rumored plan to establish bishops over America. This statement was

approved by all the colonies, and was sent to Franklin in London. The

country as a whole, however, was weary of the strife, and would gladly

have returned to the old cordial relations with the mother-land.

The Boston Massacre.

From an Engraving by Paul Revere.

[1773]

But George III. could not rest without asserting his supremacy over

America. He made an arrangement with the East India Company by which tea

could be bought in America, spite of the hated tax, cheaper than in

England. Then, at the king's instigation, large shipments of tea were

made to America. The colonists saw through the cunning attempt, and the

tide of resistance rose higher than ever. At New York and Philadelphia

the tea-ships were forced to put to sea again without unlading. At

Charleston the tea was stored in damp cellars and soon spoiled. At

Boston there was a deadlock; the people would not let the tea be landed;

the governor would not let the ships sail without unlading. On the

evening of December 16, 1773, the tax falling due on the next day, a

party of fifty citizens, disguised as Indians, boarded the ships, and

threw three hundred and forty-two chests of tea into the harbor.

[1774]

The Boston tea-party aroused all the blind obstinacy of George III.

"Blows must decide," he exclaimed; "the guilty rebels are to be forced

to submission," The king's anger led to the Boston Port Bill, which was

passed the next year, and closed Boston harbor to all commerce. Changes

were also made in the government of Massachusetts, rendering it almost

entirely independent of the people. Town meetings were forbidden except

for elections. Poor Massachusetts, her liberties curtailed, her commerce

ruined, appealed to her sister colonies for support, and they responded

right heartily. In three weeks from the news of the Port Bill all the

colonies had made the cause of Massachusetts their own. Expressions of

sympathy and liberal gifts of money and provisions poured into Boston

from all over the country. The first Continental Congress assembled at

Philadelphia in September. All the colonies but Georgia were

represented. An earnest statement of grievances was drawn up, with a

prayer to the king for redress. The action of Massachusetts was

approved, and an agreement entered into to suspend all commerce with

England.

Things now hastened rapidly toward open war. British troops were

stationed in Boston, and began fortification. Military preparations were

making everywhere among the colonists. The train was laid. Only a spark

was needed to bring the dreaded explosion.

CHAPTER III.

INDEPENDENCE AND THE NEW STATES

[1775]

The thought of independence in the minds of the colonists was of

surprisingly slow growth. The feeling of dependence on the

mother-country and of loyalty to the king was deep-rooted and died hard.

Even union, which was a pre-requisite to a successful struggle for

independence, came slowly. The old New England Confederation, in 1643-

84, between Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, for

defence against Indians, Dutch, and French, ended without ever having

manifested the slightest vigor. In the latter half of the seventeenth

century Virginia had alliances with some sister colonies for protection

against Indians; but there was no call for a general congress until the

French and Indian attack on Schenectady, in 1690, during King William's

War. Representatives from New York, Connecticut, Massachusetts, and

Plymouth met that year at New York; letters came from Virginia,

Maryland, and Rhode Island. But no permanent union was proposed here,

nor at any of the similar meetings, seven at least, which occurred

between 1690 and 1750.

The Albany Convention, which met in 1754 to prepare for the French and

Indian War, adopted a plan for union presented by Franklin, providing

for a president-general appointed and supported by the Crown, and for a

grand council of delegates elected triennially by the colonies according

to population, and empowered, within limits, to lay taxes and make laws

for the common interest of English America. Franklin believed that the

adoption of this scheme would have postponed the Revolution a century.

But, as it gave so much power to the king, it was rejected by the people

in every colony.

Even after English oppression and the diligent agency of committees of

correspondence had brought union, and delegates from the colonies had

met again and again in Congress, the thought of breaking away from the

mother-land was strange to the minds of nearly all. The instructions to

the delegates to the first Congress, in September, 1774, gave no

suggestion of independence. On the contrary, colony after colony urged

its representatives to seek the restoration of "harmony and union" with

England. This Congress branded as "calumny" the charge that it wished

"independency." Washington wrote, from the Congress, that independence

was then not "desired by any thinking man in America."

Pine Tree Flag of Massachusetts.

"AN APPEAL TO HEAVEN".

Rattlesnake Flag of South Carolina. "DON'T TREAD ON ME".

The feeling was much the same in 1775. Pennsylvania "strictly" commanded

her representatives to dissent from any "proposition that may lead to

separation." Maryland gave similar instructions in January, 1776.

Independence was neither the avowed nor the conscious object in

defending Bunker Hill, June 17, 1775. Washington's commission as

commander-in-chief, two days later, gave no hint of it. And the New

Hampshire legislature so late as December 25, 1775, in the very act of

framing a new state government, "totally disavowed" all such aim. In the

fall of 1775 Congress declared that it had "not raised armies with the

ambitious design of separation from Great Britain."

The swift change which, a little more than six months later, made the

Declaration of Independence possible and even popular, has never yet

been fully explained. In May, 1775, John Adams had been cautioned by the

Philadelphia Sons of Liberty not to utter the word independence. "It is

as unpopular," they said, in "Pennsylvania and all the Middle and

Southern States as the Stamp Act itself." Early in 1776 this same great

man wrote that there was hardly a newspaper in America but openly

advocated independence. In the spring of 1776 the conservative

Washington declared, "Reconciliation is impracticable. Nothing but

independence will save us." Statesmen began to see that longer delay was

dangerous, that permanent union turned upon independence, and that,

without a government of their own, people would by and by demand back

their old constitution, as the English did after Cromwell's death. "The

country is not only ripe for independence," said Witherspoon, of New

Jersey, debating in Congress, "but is in danger of becoming rotten for

lack of it."

Colony after colony now came rapidly into line. Massachusetts gave

instructions to her delegates in Congress, virtually favoring

independence, in January, 1776. Georgia did the same in February, South

Carolina in March. Express authority to "concur in independency" came

first from North Carolina, April 12th, and the following May 31st

Mecklenburg County in that State explicitly declared its independence of

England. On May 1st Massachusetts began to disuse the king's name in

public instruments. May 4th, Rhode Island renounced allegiance almost in

terms. On May 15th brave old Virginia ordered her delegates in Congress

to bite right into the sour apple and propose independence. Connecticut,

New Hampshire, Delaware, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania took action in the

same direction during the following month.

[1776]

Union Flag. The first recognized Continental Standard, raised for the

first time January 2,1776.

The king's brutal attitude had much to do with this sudden change. The

colonists had nursed the belief that the king was misled by his

ministers. A last petition, couched in respectful terms, was drawn up by

Congress in the summer of 1775, and sent to England. Out of respect to

the feelings of good John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, who still clung to

England, this address was tempered with a submissiveness which offended

many members. On its being read, Dickinson remarked that but one word in

it displeased him, the word "Congress;" to which Colonel Ben Harrison,

of Virginia, retorted that but one word in it pleased him, and that

"Congress" was precisely the word.

The appeal was idle. The king's only answer was a violent proclamation

denouncing the Americans as rebels. It was learned at the same time that

he was preparing to place Indians, negroes, and German mercenaries in

arms against them. The truth was forced upon the most reluctant, that

the root of England's obduracy was in the king personally, and that

further supplications were useless. The surprising success of the

colonial arms, the shedding of blood at Lexington, Concord, and Bunker

Hill--all which, remember, antedated the Declaration--the increase and

the ravages of the royal army and navy in America, were all efficient in

urging the colonists to break utterly and forever from the

mother-country.

[1772]

The behavior of the Gaspe officers in Narragansett Bay, their illegal

seizures, plundering expeditions on shore, and wanton manners in

stopping and searching boats, illustrate the spirit of the king's

hirelings in America at this time. At last the Rhode Islanders could

endure it no longer. Early on the morning of June 9, 1772, Captain

Abraham Whipple, with a few boatloads of trusty aides, dropped down the

river from Providence to what is now called Gaspe Point, six or seven

miles below the city, where the offending craft had run aground the

previous evening in giving chase to the Newport-Providence packet-boat,

and after a spirited fight mastered the Gaspe's company, put them on

shore, and burned the ship. There would be much propriety in dating the

Revolution from this daring act.

[1774]

Nor was this the only case of Rhode Island's forwardness in the

struggle. December 5, 1774, her General Assembly ordered Colonel

Nightingale to remove to Providence all the cannon and ammunition of

Fort George, except three guns, and this was done before the end of the

next day. More than forty cannon, with much powder and shot, were thus

husbanded for service to come. News of this was carried to New

Hampshire, and resulted in the capture of Fort William and Mary at New

Castle, December 14, 1774, which some have referred to as the opening

act of the Revolution. This deed was accomplished by fourteen men from

Durham, who entered the fort at night when the officers were at a ball

in Portsmouth. The powder which they captured is said to have done duty

at Bunker Hill.

[1776]

Most potent of all as a cause of the resolution to separate was Thomas

Paine's pamphlet, "Common Sense," published in January, 1776, and

circulated widely throughout the colonies. Its lucid style, its homely

way of putting things, and its appeals to Scripture must have given it

at any rate a strong hold upon the masses of the people. It was doubly

and trebly triumphant from the fact that it voiced, in clear, bold

terms, a long-growing popular conviction of the propriety of

independence, stronger than men had dared to admit even to themselves.

Thomas Paine.

On June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, rose in Congress, and,

in obedience to the command of his State, moved a resolution "that the

united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent

States." John Adams seconded the motion. It led to great debate, which

evinced that New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and South

Carolina were not yet quite ready for so radical a step. Postponement

was therefore had till July 1st, a committee meantime being appointed to

draft a declaration.

On July 2d, after further long debate, participated in by John Adams,

Dickinson, Wilson, and many other of the ablest men in Congress, not

all, even now, favorable to the measure, the famous Declaration of

Independence was adopted by vote of all the colonies but New York, whose

representatives abstained from voting for lack of sufficiently definite

instructions. We celebrate July 4th because on that day the document was

authenticated by the signatures of the President and Secretary of

Congress, and published, Not until August 2d had all the representatives

affixed their names. Ellery stood at the secretary's side as the various

delegates signed, and declares that he saw only dauntless resolution in

every eye. "Now we must hang together," said Franklin, "or we shall hang

separately."

The honor of writing the Declaration belongs to Thomas Jefferson, of

Virginia, who was to play so prominent a part in the early political

history of the United States. At this time he was thirty-three years

old. He was by profession a lawyer, of elegant tastes, well read in

literature, deeply versed in political history and philosophy. He was

chosen to draft the instrument chiefly because of the great ability of

other state papers from his pen. It is said that he consulted no books

during the composition, but wrote from the overflowing fulness of his

mind.

It is an interesting inquiry how far the language of the document was

determined by utterances of a like kind already put forth by towns and

counties. There had been many of these, and much discussion has occurred

upon the question which of them was first. Perhaps the honor belongs to

the town of Sheffield, Mass., which so early as January 12, 1773,

proclaimed the grievances and the rights of the colonies, among these

the right of self-government. Mendon, in the same State, in the same

year passed resolutions containing three fundamental propositions of the

great Declaration itself: that all men have an equal right to life and

liberty, that this right is inalienable, and that government must

originate in the free consent of the people. It is worthy of note that

the only important change made by Congress in what Jefferson had

prepared was the striking out, in deference to South Carolina and

Georgia, of a clause reflecting on slavery.

Copies of the immortal paper were carried post-haste up and down the

land, and Congress's bold deed was everywhere hailed with enthusiastic

demonstrations of joy. The stand for independence wrought powerfully for

good, both at home and abroad. At home it assisted vacillating minds to

a decision, as well as bound all the colonies more firmly together by

committing them irreconcilably to an aggressive policy. Abroad it tended

to lift the colonies out of the position of rebels and to gain them

recognition among the nations of the earth.

Let us now inquire into the political character of these bodies of

people which this Declaration by their delegates had erected into "free

and independent States."

Five colonies had adopted constitutions, revolutionary of course, before

the decisive manifesto. There was urgent need for such action. The few

remaining fragments of royal governments were powerless and decadent.

Anarchy was threatening everywhere. Some of the royal governors had

fled. In South Carolina the judges refused to act. In other places, as

western Massachusetts, they had been forcibly prevented from acting. In

most of the colonies only small parts of the old assemblies could be

gotten together.

New Hampshire led off with a new constitution in January, 1776. South

Carolina followed in March. By the close of the year nearly all the

colonies had established governments of their own. New York and Georgia

did not formally adopt new constitutions until the next year. In

Massachusetts a popular assembly assumed legislative and executive

powers from July, 1775, till 1780, when a new constitution went into

force. Connecticut and Rhode Island, as we have seen already, continued

to use their royal charters--the former till 1818, the latter till 1842.

Nowhere was the general framework of government greatly changed by

independence. The governors were of course now elected by the people,

and they suffered some diminution of power. Legislatures were composed

of two houses, both elective, no hereditary legislators being

recognized. All the States still had Sunday laws; most of them had

religious tests. In South Carolina only members of a church could vote.

In New Jersey an office-holder must profess belief in the faith of some

Protestant sect. Pennsylvania required members of the legislature to

avow faith in God, a future state, and the inspiration of the

Scriptures. The new Massachusetts constitution provided that laws

against plays, extravagance in dress, diet, etc., should be passed.

Property qualifications continued to limit suffrage. Virginia and

Georgia changed their land laws, abolishing entails and primogeniture.

The sole momentous novelty was that everyone of the new constitutions

proceeded upon the theory of popular sovereignty. The new governments

derived their authority solely and directly from the people. And this

authority, too, was not surrendered to the government, but simply--and

this only in part--intrusted to it as the temporary agent of the

sovereign people, who remained throughout the exclusive source of

political power.

The new instruments of government were necessarily faulty and imperfect.

All have since been amended, and several entirely remodelled. But they

rescued the colonies from impending anarchy and carried them safely

through the throes of the Revolution.

CHAPTER IV.

OUTBREAK OF WAR: WASHINGTON'S MOVEMENTS

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