Малхар Рао Холкар вторгается в Мевар. Голод, А.Д. 1764. —The ties of blood or of princely gratitude are feeble bonds if political expediency demands their dissolution; and Madho Singh, when firmly established on the throne of Amber, repaid the immense sacrifices by which the Rana had effected it by assigning his fief of Rampura, which he had not a shadow of right to alienate, to Holkar: this was the first limb severed from Mewar.[3] Holkar had also become the assignee of the tribute imposed by Bajirao, but from which the Rana justly deemed himself exempt, when the terms of all further encroachment in Mewar were set at nought. On the plea of recovering these arrears, and the rent of some districts[4] on the Chambal, Malhar, after many threatening letters, invaded Mewar, and his threats of occupying the capital were only checked by draining their exhausted resources of six hundred thousand pounds.[5] In the same year[6] a famine afflicted them, when flour and tamarinds were equal in value, and were sold at the rate of a rupee for one pound and a half. Four years subsequent to this, civil war broke out and continued to influence all posterior proceedings, rendering [427] the inhabitants of this unhappy country a prey to every invader until 1817, when they tasted repose under British protection.
Гражданская война в Меваре. Мятеж Ратан Сингха. —The real cause of this rebellion must ever remain a secret: for while some regard it as a patriotic effort on the part of the people to redeem themselves from foreign domination, others discover its motive in the selfishness of the hostile clans, who supported or opposed the succession of Rana Arsi. This prince is accused of having unfairly acquired the crown, by the removal of his nephew Raj Singh; but though the traditional anecdotes of the period furnish strong grounds of suspicion, there is nothing which affords a direct confirmation of the crime. It is, however, a public misfortune when the line of succession retrogrades in Mewar: Arsi had no right to expect the inheritance he obtained, having long held a seat below the sixteen chief nobles; and as one of the ‘infants’ (babas) he was incorporated with the second class of nobles with an appanage of only £3000 per annum. His defects of character had been too closely contemplated by his compeers, and had kindled too many enmities, to justify expectation that the adventitious dignity he had attained would succeed in obliterating the memory of them; and past familiarity alone destroyed the respect which was exacted by sudden greatness. His insolent demeanour estranged the first of the home nobility, the Sadri chieftain,[7] whose ancestor at Haldighat acquired a claim to the perpetual gratitude of the Sesodias, while to an unfeeling pun on a personal defect of Jaswant Singh of Deogarh is attributed the hatred and revenge of this powerful branch of the Chondawats. These chiefs formed a party which eventually entrained many of lesser note to depose their sovereign, and immediately set up a youth called Ratna Singh, declared to be the posthumous son of the last Rana by the daughter of the chief of Gogunda, though to this hour disputes run high as to whether he was really the son of Raj Singh, or merely the puppet [428] of a faction. Be the fact as it may, he was made a rallying point for the disaffected, who soon comprehended the greater portion of the nobles, while out of the ‘sixteen’ greater chiefs five[8] only withstood the defection: of these, Salumbar, the hereditary premier, at first espoused, but soon abandoned, the cause of the Pretender; not from the principle of loyalty which his descendants take credit for, but from finding the superiority of intellect of the heads of the rebellion[9] (which now counted the rival Saktawats) too powerful for the supremacy he desired. Basant Pal, of the Depra tribe, was invested with the office of Pardhan to the Pretender. The ancestor of this man accompanied Samarsi in the twelfth century from Delhi, where he held a high office in the household of Prithiraj, the last emperor of the Hindus, and it is a distinguished proof of the hereditary quality of official dignity to find his descendant, after the lapse of centuries, still holding office with the nominal title of Pardhan. The Futuri[10] (by which name the court still designates the Pretender) took post with his faction in Kumbhalmer; where he was formally installed, and whence he promulgated his decrees as Rana of Mewar. With that heedlessness of consequences and the political debasement which are invariable concomitants of civil dissension, they had the meanness to invite Sindhia to their aid, with a promise of a reward of more than one million sterling[11] on the dethronement of Arsi.
Залим Сингх из Коты. —This contest first brought into notice one of the most celebrated Rajput chiefs of India, Zalim Singh of Kotah, who was destined to fill a distinguished part in the annals of Rajasthan, but more especially in Mewar, where his political sagacity first developed itself. Though this is not the proper place to delineate his history, which will occupy a subsequent portion of the work, it is impossible to trace the events with which he was so closely connected without adverting slightly to the part he acted in these scenes. The attack on Kotah, of which his father was military governor (during the struggle to place Madho Singh on the throne of Amber), by Isari Singh, in conjunction with Sindhia, was the first avenue to his distinguished career, leading to an acquaintance with the Mahratta chiefs, which linked him with their policy for more than half a century [429]. Zalim having lost his prince’s favour, whose path in love he had dared to cross, repaired, on his banishment from Kotah, to the Rana, who, observing his talents, enrolled him amongst his chiefs, and conferred on him, with the title of Raj Rana, the lands of Chitarkhera for his support. By his advice the Mahratta leaders, Raghu Paigawala and Daula Miyan, with their bands, were called in by the Rana, who, setting aside the ancient Pancholi ministry, gave the seals of office to Agarji Mehta. At this period (S. 1824, A.D. 1768), Mahadaji Sindhia was at Ujjain, whither the conflicting parties hastened, each desirous of obtaining the chieftain’s support. But the Pretender’s proposals had been already entertained, and he was then encamped with Sindhia on the banks of the Sipra.[12]
Битва на Сипре и осада Удапура, А.Д. 1769. —The Rana’s force, conducted by the chief of Salumbar, the Rajas of Shahpura and Banera, with Zalim Singh and the Mahratta auxiliaries, did not hesitate to attack the combined camp, and for a moment they were victorious, driving Mahadaji and the Pretender from the field, with great loss, to the gates of Ujjain. Here, however, they rallied, and being joined by a fresh body of troops, the battle was renewed with great disadvantage to the Rajputs, who, deeming the day theirs, had broken and dispersed to plunder. The chiefs of Salumbar, Shahpura, and Banera were slain, and the auxiliary Daula Miyan, Raja Man (ex-prince of Narwar), and Raj Kalyan, the heir of Sadri, severely wounded. Zalim Singh had his horse killed under him, and being left wounded on the field, was made prisoner, but hospitably treated by Trimbak Rao, father to the celebrated Ambaji. The discomfited troops retreated to Udaipur while the Pretender’s party remained with Sindhia, inciting him to invest that capital and place Ratna on the throne. Some time, however, elapsed before he could carry this design into execution; when at the head of a large force the Mahratta chief gained the passes and besieged the city. The Rana’s cause now appeared hopeless. Bhim Singh of Salumbar, uncle and successor to the chief slain at Ujjain, with the Rathor chief of Badnor (descendant of Jaimall), were the only nobles of high rank who defended their prince and capital in this emergency; but the energies of an individual saved both.
Амар Чанд, министр Мевара. —Amra Chand Barwa, of the mercantile class, had held office in the preceding reigns, when his influence retarded the progress of evils which no human means could avert. He was now displaced, and little solicitous of recovering his [430] transient power, amidst hourly increasing difficulties, with a stubborn and unpopular prince, a divided aristocracy, and an impoverished country. He was aware also of his own imperious temper, which was as ungovernable as his sovereign’s, and which experienced no check from the minor Partap, who regarded him as his father. During the ten years he had been out of office, mercenaries of Sind had been entertained and established on the forfeited lands of the clans, perpetuating discontent and stifling every latent spark of patriotism. Even those who did not join the Pretender remained sullenly at their castles, and thus all confidence was annihilated. A casual incident brought Amra forward at this critical juncture. Udaipur had neither ditch nor walls equal to its defence. Arsi was engaged in fortifying Eklinggarh, a lofty hill south of the city,[13] which it commanded, and attempting to place thereon an enormous piece of ordnance, but it baffled their mechanical skill to get it over the scraggy ascent. Amra happened to be present when the Rana arrived to inspect the proceedings. Excuses were made to avert his displeasure, when turning to the ex-minister, he inquired what time and expense ought to attend the completion of such an undertaking. The reply was, “A few rations of grain and some days”: and he offered to accomplish the task, on condition that his orders should be supreme in the valley during its performance. He collected the whole working population, cut a road, and in a few days gave the Rana a salute from Eklinggarh. The foster-brother of the Rana had succeeded the Jhala chieftain, Raghu Deo, in the ministerial functions. The city was now closely invested on every side but the west, where communications were still kept open by the lake, across which the faithful mountaineers of the Aravalli, who in similar dangers never failed, supplied them with provisions. All defence rested on the fidelity of the mercenary Sindis, and they were at this very moment insolent in their clamours for arrears of pay. Nor were the indecisive measures daily passing before their eyes calculated to augment their respect, or stimulate their courage. Not satisfied with demands, they had the audacity to seize the Rana by the skirt of his robe as he entered the palace, which was torn in the effort to detain him. The haughtiness of his temper gave way to this humiliating proof of the hopelessness of his condition; and while the Dhabhai (foster-brother) counselled escape by water to the mountains, whence he might gain Mandalgarh, the Salumbar chief confessed his inability to offer any advice [431] save that of recourse to Amra Chand. He was summoned, and the uncontrolled charge of their desperate affairs offered to his guidance. He replied that it was a task of which no man could be covetous, more especially himself, whose administration had formerly been marked by the banishment of corruption and disorder, for that he must now call in the aid of these vices, and assimilate the means to the times. “You know also,” he added, "my defect of temper, which admits of no control. Wherever I am, I must be absolute—no secret advisers, no counteraction of measures. With finances ruined, troops mutinous, provisions expended, if you desire me to act, swear that no order, whatever its purport, shall be countermanded, and I may try what can be done: but recollect, Amra ‘the just’ will be the unjust, and reverse his former character." The Rana pledged himself by the patron deity to comply with all his demands, adding this forcible expression: "Should you even send to the queen’s apartment and demand her necklace or nathna,[14] it shall be granted." The advice of the Dhabhai encountered the full flood of Amra’s wrath. “The counsel is such as might be expected from your condition. What will preserve your prince at Mandalgarh if he flies from Udaipur, and what hidden resources have you there for your support? The project would suit you, who might resume your original occupation of tending buffaloes and selling milk, more adapted to your birth and understanding than state affairs; but these pursuits your prince has yet to learn.” The Rana and his chiefs bent their heads at the bold bearing of Amra. Descending to the terrace, where the Sindi leaders and their bands were assembled, he commanded them to follow him, exclaiming, “Look to me for your arrears, and as for your services, it will be my fault if you fail.” The mutineers, who had just insulted their sovereign, rose without reply, and in a body left the palace with Amra, who calculated their arrears and promised payment the next day. Meanwhile he commanded the bhandars (repositories) to be broken open, as the keeper of each fled when the keys of their trust were demanded. All the gold and silver, whether in bullion or in vessels, were converted into money—jewels were pledged—the troops paid and satisfied, ammunition and provisions laid in—a fresh stimulus supplied, the enemy held at defiance, and the siege prolonged during six months [432].
Партия самозванца распространила свое влияние на большую часть коронного домена, даже на долину Удапура; но будучи не в состоянии выполнить условие перед Синдхией, потерпевший неудачу маратха, для которого время было сокровищем, провел переговоры с Амрой, чтобы снять осаду и отказаться от самозванца за выплату семидесяти лакхов. Но едва договор был подписан, как донесенное расположение вспомогательных войск и добыча, ожидаемая при успешном штурме, возбудили его алчность и заставили нарушить верность, и было наложено двадцать лакхов дополнительных. Амра разорвал договор и отправил обломки вероломному маратху с вызовом. Его мужество росло по мере трудностей, и он вселил свою доблесть в сердца самых отчаявшихся. Собрав синдхов и кланы уроженцев, которые все еще были верны своему государю, он объяснил им сделку и обратился к ним на том языке, который говорит к душам всех людей, а чтобы придать своему увещанию должный вес, раздал среди наиболее достойных множество громоздких украшений, валявшихся без пользы в казне. Запасы зерна в городе и окрестностях, будь то общественные или частные, были собраны и отправлены на рынок, и под бой барабанов было объявлено, что каждый боеспособный мужчина получит шестимесячный запас по заявлению. До сих пор зерно продавалось чуть дороже фунта за рупию, и эти неожиданные ресурсы были предметом всеобщего удивления, особенно для осаждающих. [15] Синдхи, не имея больше повода для недовольства, подхватили дух храброго Амры и отправились в полном составе во дворец, чтобы поклясться публично никогда не оставлять рану, к которому их лидер Адил Бег [16] обратился так: “Мы долго ели вашу соль и получили многочисленные милости от вашего дома, и теперь мы приходим поклясться никогда не оставлять вас. Удапур — наш дом, и мы падем с ним. Мы не требуем никакой дальнейшей платы, и когда наше зерно иссякнет, мы будем питаться зверями, а когда и они иссякнут, мы проредим ряды южан и умрем с мечом в руках”. Таковы были настроения, которые вдохновил Амра, выражение которых исторгло слезы у раны — зрелище столь необычное для этого сурового государя, что оно вызвало неистовые крики синдхов и его раджпутов. Энтузиазм распространился и был возвещен Синдхии со всеми его обстоятельствами общей стрельбой из пушек по его передовым [433] постам. Опасаясь какого-то отчаянного проявления раджпутской доблести, осторожный маратха выступил с предложениями о возобновлении переговоров. Теперь настал черед Амры торжествовать, и он ответил, что должен вычесть из первоначальных условий расходы, которые они понесли, выдерживая еще одну шестимесячную осаду. Перехитренный таким образом, Синдхия был вынужден принять шестьдесят лакхов и три с половиной на официальные расходы. [17]
Уступки, сделанные Синдхии. —Thirty-three lakhs in jewels and specie, gold and silver plate, and assignments on the chiefs, were immediately made over to Sindhia, and lands mortgaged for the liquidation of the remainder. For this object the districts of Jawad, Jiran, Nimach, and Morwan were set aside to be superintended by joint officers of both governments, with an annual investigation of accounts. From S. 1825 to S. 1831 [A.D. 1768-74]1768-74] no infringement took place of this arrangement; but in the latter year Sindhia dismissed the Rana’s officers from the management, and refused all further settlement; and with the exception of a temporary occupation on Sindhia’s reverse of fortune in S. 1851 [A.D. 1794], these rich districts have remained severed from Mewar. In S. 1831 [A.D. 1774] the great officers of the Mahratta federation began to shake off the trammels of the Peshwa’s authority; and Sindhia retained for the State of which he was the founder, all these lands except Morwan, which was made over to Holkar, who the year after the transaction demanded of the Rana the surrender of the district of Nimbahera, threatening, in the event of non-compliance, to repeat the part his predatory coadjutor Sindhia had just performed. The cession was unavoidable.
Так завершилась в самват 1826 [А.Д. 1769] осада Удапура с отторжением этих прекрасных округов от Мевара. Но пусть будет помнимо, что они были лишь заложены: [18] и хотя продолжающаяся деградация страны от тех же причин помешала их выкупу, претензия на них никогда не оставлялась. Их возвращение было оговорено посланниками раны в договоре А.Д. 1817 с британским правительством; но наше полное невежество в прошлых сделках этих стран в сочетании с нашими дружественными отношениями с Синдхией [434] предотвратило любое обязательство воссоединения этих округов; и всегда должно глубоко сожалеть, что когда предательское и враждебное поведение Синдхии дало благородную возможность для их восстановления, она была упущена из-за политики, которую трудно понять и которая должна подвергнуться критике будущих историков того важного периода в истории Индии. Еще предстоит решить мудрости британского правительства, делают ли полувековое истечение срока и неспособность выкупить их мечом претензию мертвой буквой. Во всяком случае, факты, записанные здесь из множества публичных документов и подтвержденные живыми участниками [19] этой сцены, могут быть полезны в какое-то будущее время, когда целесообразность допустит их повторное присоединение к Мевару.