«Трое французов в Бенгалии: Коммерческий крах французских селений в 1757 году»

because of the dry banks and the strong currents which

would have put my boats in danger. However, I found

myself in the country of Rungpore, which was a dependency

of Bengal. I determined nevertheless to remain where I

was, flattering myself the English would not come to look

for me, nor the Nawab or the ruler of the province think of

disturbing themselves about me, as I was doing no harm in

the country, and as I was very strict in observing proper

order and discipline. I was so confident on this latter head

that I did not think of throwing up now entrenchments, and

occupied myself only with hunting and walking whilst I

awaited the arrival of the French forces. However, one day,

towards the middle of January, a secret rumour came to me

that Kasim Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore, was coming to

attack me. I sent out scouts, who reported that all was

tranquil in his town, and that, far from wishing to come and

look for a quarrel, he was in fear lest I should march against

his town, which was three days' journey from where I was.

Doubtless my men deceived me or did not take the trouble

to go to Rungpore, for on the 15th of the same month, at

3 p.m., on the opposite side of the river to that on which

we were, there appeared a body of soldiers, cavalry and

infantry, about 600 in number, who approached so near my

fleet that I no longer doubted the correctness of the first

advice which had been given me. I ordered a discharge

of three guns on this troop, which was so well directed that

the enemy were forced to take themselves off and to encamp

a little further from me. Next day the commander sent me

a present of some fruit, and an intimation that he only

wished to see me quit his country. He knew I could not

do this without risk, and, according to the custom of the

infidels, he gave me the strongest possible assurances of my

safety and tranquillity. I took care not to trust to them;

I was then, as I said above, without entrenchments and

without defence, so in the evening I set to work at surrounding

myself with a ditch, the mud taken out of which would

serve me for embrasures. I was short of provisions, which

made me very anxious, and I was still more so when

I learned that the enemy were trying to cut me off from

provisions on all sides, and that their intention was to

capture me by famine or treachery. Their number quickly

increased to 3000 men, of whom a part came over to my

side of the river, and harassed my people whenever they

went out for provisions. This forced me to detach. MM.

Chevalier and Gourlade, with about 10 men, some peons

and boatmen, against one of their little camps, where there

were about 150 men, foot and horse. Our men received

their fire, stormed the camp, and destroyed it after having

put every one to flight. There was not a single person

wounded on our side. This little advantage gave me time to

make a good provision of rice and other things in the villages

near my entrenchments. I cleared out these villages and

drove out the inhabitants, but I was still in need of a

quantity of things necessary to life. To procure these, I

tried to frighten the enemy by cannonading their chief camp

on the other side of the river. This only resulted in making

them withdraw altogether beyond the reach of my guns, not

with the idea of going away, but of starving me out, and, as

I learned later, to give time for a reinforcement of artillery

which they were expecting to arrive. They had already 4

or 5 guns, but their calibre was small compared with mine,

as I was able to see from the balls which fell in my camp

when it was entrenched only on the land side.

"The 19th of January, early in the morning, I sent across

the river a number of workmen, supported by a little detachment

under M. Gourlade, to cut down a grove of bamboos

which masked my guns, and to burn down some houses which

were also in their way. I forbade them to engage the enemy,

and all went well until some topasses and peons advanced

too far towards the enemy's camp, and I heard discharges

so loud and frequent on both sides, that I ordered a retreat

to be beaten in my entrenchments, to make my people recross

the river. I fired my guns continually to facilitate this and to

cover the movement. In this skirmish I had only one soldier

wounded, and I do not know whether the enemy had any

losses. This day more than 1500 shots were fired on both

sides. Some of the guns which the enemy brought up

troubled us greatly, as we were not entrenched on the water

side. Several balls fell at my side or passed over my head.

This determined me to set all my people at work the next

night with torches, to put us under cover on this side

also."

[Судя по всему, именно об этом бое Касим Али доложил Клайву 24 января:]

"I wrote expressly to my people to go and take them"

(the French) "and they went immediately and found them

ready to fight. On both sides there were cannon and

jenjalls.[145] A nulla[146] was between them, which the French

crost, and advancing upon my people, fought with great

intrepidity: but luckily, three or four of them being killed,

they retired into their fort."[147]]

"The Moors saw, from my manoeuvre, how important it

was for them to seize the ground which I had intended to

clear, and, contrary to my expectation, established themselves

on it the same evening without my being able to hinder

them, keeping themselves always well hidden behind the

bamboos, where they had nothing to fear from my artillery,

and still less from my musketry. Like me they worked at

night, and, having as many prisoners or other workmen at

their command as they wanted, I saw, with regret, next

morning the progress which they had made opposite me. I

could not dislodge them without risking everything. Weak

as I was, I thought it wiser not to hazard anything more in

sorties, but to hold myself always on the defensive.

"Sheikh Faiz Ulla (that was the name of the Moorish

general) sent me one of his men next day with a present and

proposals of peace, the first condition of which was, of course,

that I should quit his country, and as, since the dry weather

had set in, a very large and dangerous bank had formed in

the river seven or eight leagues below me, he offered me one

or two thousand workmen to assist in making a passage for

my boats. The shocking treachery used by the Moors being

well known to me, I refused to accept his offers except on

his furnishing me with hostages for his good faith. He first

proposed himself, but with such a strong escort that it was

not difficult to see that it was a trap which he was setting

for me, so as to seize and massacre us. After many debates

between our emissaries, he consented to come to my bajarow,

he and his servants, and that all of them should serve as

hostages until I was quite out of the domains of his master.

"I loyally agreed to this arrangement and made preparations

in consequence, but at 7 in the morning on the

23rd of January, the day I expected the hostages, I was

awakened by a cannon-shot quickly followed by a second, the

ball of which pierced the rezai[148] at the foot of my bed from

side to side, and made a great noise. For a long time I had

been accustomed to sleep fully dressed, so I was able to go out

quickly and give orders in the entrenchments. The treachery

and perfidy of the enemy were too manifest; nevertheless, I

forbade a single shot to be fired with musket or cannon, and

simply recommended my people to be on their guard on

the land side. The enemy kept up a continuous and very

lively fire until 4 o'clock in the evening. I considered that

it would be useless for me to reply, and wished to see how far

they would push their insolence. That day we picked up 40

cannon-balls, and our whole loss was one boatman slightly

wounded in the leg. From 4 o'clock till night the enemy's

fire was continued, but at long intervals. It began again

the next morning. I suffered this as on the previous day

for a couple of hours, at the end of which. I fired several

shots and silenced it. My firing seemed to trouble the

enemy more than I expected it would. One of my boats was

sunk by a cannon-ball, several were pierced through, and

my rezai, which used to serve me as a coat, was much

damaged.

"The succeeding days passed much in the same manner

until the 3rd of February, when, on the same bank and to

the north above my fleet, I saw a new entrenchment, which

had been thrown up during the preceding night. Its batteries

enfiladed mine along their whole length. It was necessary

either to risk everything by making a sortie in order to

destroy it, or to arrange terms. I determined on the latter,

which appeared to me all the more necessary, as I was

beginning to be in want of everything, and as I had just

received letters which deprived me of all hope of the arrival

of our forces in Bengal until April or May. I therefore

informed Sheikh Faiz Ulla that I was ready to enter upon

negotiations, and the same day he sent me some of his people,

with whom I agreed to leave my entrenchments and go

down the river. I consented to do this without hostages,

but, that it might be done in security, I promised them a

sum of money for themselves as well as for their general.

This arrangement being agreed to by Sheikh Faiz Ulla, he

sent me word that, in order that he might not appear to

betray his master, it would be necessary for me next morning

to open the fiercest fire possible on his camp; that he would

reply; that on both sides it should be with the intention of

doing as little hurt as possible; that I should pretend it was

to force him to give me a passport, which he would send me

in the evening; and that I should then send him the

money I had promised. All these precautions were only

to assist his rascality, and they appeared to me all the more

surprising, as he had already repeatedly informed me that

he had his master's permission to give me a passport, and to

let me go where I pleased. But of what are these Moors not

capable? Without being blind to the continuance of his perfidy,

I flattered myself that it might happen that he would not

trouble me on my march when he had received my money.

"However this might be, my cannon fired from 10 in

the morning till 3 in the evening. Our people, perceiving

that the enemy were firing in earnest, did not spare them

any more than they spared us, and that which was at first,

on our side, only a pretence, finally became serious. At 4

o'clock I received an envoy, who brought me the passport,

and to whom I paid the money. He assured me that I

might embark my artillery the next morning, and set out the

day after without the slightest apprehension of being interfered

with, I took my precautions, and, in fear of treachery, kept

on shore my two Swedish guns. At last, at seven in the

morning, my boats started, having on board only the sick

and helpless, and I set out by land with my two guns and

the rest of my troop, at the head of which I put myself."

Об этом торжестве времени и предательства господин Касим Али, хозяин шейха Файз Уллы, доложил Клайву 14 февраля:

"I before wrote you that I had sent forces to fight the

French, that they had a fort and strong intrenchments, and

that we had a battle with them.... ever since I wrote

you last we have been fighting, my people have behaved well,

and I make no doubt but you have heard it from other people.

God knows what pains and trouble I have taken in this

affair. The French being shut up in their fort and undergoing

much fatigue by always fighting, and likewise being

in want of provisions were obliged to run away in their

boats by night, and went towards the Dinajpur country.

My people being always ready to fight followed them....

They can go no other way but through the Dinajpur country.

I have therefore wrote expressly to the Rajah to stop the

passage."

Примерно в это же время, хотя Куртен упоминает об этом лишь позже, он начал осознавать, каким будет неизбежный конец. Он не мог пробиться с боем, чтобы соединиться с Ло, а когда вся страна поднялась против него, он был слишком слаб, чтобы долго удерживать позиции. Соответственно, он тайно отправил гонцов к мистеру Люку Скрафтону в Муршидабад. Как я уже упоминал выше, именно Скрафтон писал Куртену за помощью, когда наваб Дакки вознамерился захватить их факторию и взять англичан под стражу. Теперь Куртен написал ему, чтобы спастись от попадания в руки туземцев, и 18 февраля Скрафтон обратился к Секретному комитету в Калькутте за необходимым разрешением.

Теперь мы вновь возвращаемся к рассказу Куртена:

"What was my surprise, at the end of an hour and a

half, to see that we were followed by a body of four or five

hundred men, with two guns drawn by oxen. I pretended

not to notice, and continued my march, but at 3 o'clock

in the afternoon, seeing this troop approach, within range of

my pieces, I pointed them at the Moors, and put my force

in a position of defence. Their rascality followed its usual

course, and they sent me word that I had nothing to fear,

that they would not march so close to me any more, and

that they followed me only to preserve the peace and to

hinder my people, especially the stragglers, from committing

any disorder. I received this excuse for what it was worth,

and pretended to be content with, it, seeing clearly that they

were looking for an opportunity to surprise and destroy us.

"Several accidents happening to the boats of the rearguard

prevented my troop and myself from rejoining the

main body of the fleet till far on in the night. I found it

anchored in the most disadvantageous position possible, and

in the morning I saw at a distance of one-eighth of a league

the same body of troops, that had followed me the day before,

establishing and settling itself. A moment later I learned

that Sheikh Faiz Ulla was on the opposite bank with his

army and his artillery, that he intended to wait for me in a

narrow place called Choquova,[151] at the foot of which my boats

must pass, and that he was diligently making entrenchments

there. My embarrassment was then extreme. I found

myself surrounded on all sides; I was without any provisions,

destitute of the most necessary articles of life. In

this perplexity I saw only the most cruel alternatives, either

to surrender or to fight to the death so as to perish with our

arms in our hands. The latter appeared to be less dreadful

than the former.

"After repeated consultations, we determined it would

be best to risk the passage of the fleet by Choquova. We

thought that possibly we should find provisions there, and

that certainly the position could not be worse (for defence)

than that in which we then found ourselves. The passage

was carried out in three hours' time without confusion or

disorder, by means of my Swedish guns on the boat which

led the van. What was our delight to find, not only a better

position than that which we had quitted, but one that was

almost completely entrenched by nature, and had villages

full of rice to the right and left of it.

"Next day I collected provisions in abundance, cleared

the country round for a quarter of a league, and did my best

to ameliorate my condition. The enemy were disconcerted by

my boldness. They pretended as usual, in order to deceive

me the more easily, that they were not surprised at my march.

They feared rightly that if I commenced new entrenchments

all their trouble would begin again. Besides, I had completely

protected myself from the possibility of surprise. Pourparlers

for an accommodation were renewed and lasted three

days, at the end of which it was agreed that I should

continue my march, that two hostages should be given me

for my safety, and that the army with its guns should retire

from Choquova, and should be sent a long way ahead across

country, and as, at half a league from this place, the river

was no longer navigable because of the bank which had

formed in it, I should be supplied with people to facilitate

my passage. Thou wilt notice, my dear wife, that in all the

negotiations I had for various reasons and on several occasions

proposed to suspend all hostilities until an answer

could be received from Jafar All Khan and the English, to

whom I said I would write to come to some accommodation

with them, offering to send my letter open. This was repeatedly

refused, but the refusal did not prevent my asking

for the honours of war. My letters were despatched secretly

by my own messengers.

"At last, on the 23rd, I quitted, though with regret

(always expecting treachery), my new position, and approached

the shallow or bank mentioned. It was night when I

arrived. In spite of this I could understand, from the

dreadful noise made by the waters, that I should have

difficulty in traversing this dangerous passage even with the

assistance promised me. I was only too well convinced of

the truth of this when day broke, and I saw that I had

again been betrayed. There was nothing to be seen of the

work which the Moors had engaged to do to lessen the

difficulty of the passage. However, I did not hesitate to

put out with my lighter boats, firmly resolved, if they arrived

safely, to sacrifice the larger, with all that was upon them,

to my safety, and thus to effect my retreat during the night.

With the exception of two, which were lost, they all arrived

safely. During this piece of work, which took up the whole

day, I dissimulated my intentions in the presence of my hostages,

merely letting them see I was somewhat surprised to

find that, contrary to the promise given, there were no workmen,

but that the army, which ought to have been withdrawn,

was still close to us. Their excuses were vague and unsatisfactory.

One of them, who, no doubt, knew the enemy's plans,

asked permission to go to their camp, promising to come

back the next day. Though his demand accorded with my

designs, I agreed to it only after much persuasion, warning

him not to break his parole to return the next morning very

early. This he swore to do. As a rule these people think

nothing of an oath. I did not intend to wait for him, which

his comrade clearly perceived, for, seeing that he himself

had been sacrificed by his master's perfidy, he approved of

the resolution I had taken to set out by night, and swore

that he had acted in good faith, and was ignorant of the

treachery that had been concocted. 'You can,' he said to me,

'have my throat cut. You would be justified in doing so;

but I will not quit you, even if you give me permission.

If I went to my own people, they would say that I had

disclosed to you the trick which you have yourself discovered,

and would certainly show me less mercy than I

have experienced from you.' After this I contented myself

with having him closely watched.

"Orders being given to the remaining boats to start by

night, I mounted on horseback to carry certain necessaries

to my detachment on land, which was already a little in

advance and had crossed a small river with the guns. I

had only three blacks with me, and none of us knew the

way. The night was dark, and we wandered from it. I

narrowly escaped being drowned with my horse, and at last

we lost ourselves entirely. If we had been met by any

horsemen, nothing would have been easier than for them to

capture me, our arms and cartridges being all soaked with

water. Luckily I heard our drums beating, and this told us

in what direction we could safely go.

"My intention was to march by land with my troops and

guns. They objected to this, as I was wet to the skin and

had a cold on the chest, which hardly allowed me to speak;

so I went back to the boats, though with much regret, and

resolved to manage so as not to lose sight of my detachment.

I was in constant anxiety about the latter till 8 o'clock the

next day, when we all came together, except one soldier

topass, who, by his own fault, had remained on a big boat

which we had abandoned, and a manjhi,[152] who was drowned

in one of the two little ones which had sunk.

"Finding myself in the territory of the Raja of Dinajpur,

I imagined I had nothing to do with any one except him, and

that Sheikh Faiz Ulla and his army would not think of

following me through a country which, though tributary to

the Nawab of Bengal, still in no way belonged to Faiz Ulla's

master. The hostage who remained with me, and to whom

I spoke about the matter,[153] did not altogether dissuade me

from this idea, but counselled me to continue my march

and to get farther away, which I did till 6 o'clock in the

evening. What was my surprise when, at 9 o'clock, my

scouts reported that the enemy were pursuing me, and were

not more than a league away at the most. I could not

advance during the night for fear of running on the banks

or shallows with which the river was filled, and which might

cause the loss of my boats and of my people. Accordingly,

I did not set out till the morning, and always remained

myself in the rear (of the fleet). I had stopped to wait for

my land detachment and the guns, and was at some distance

from the rest of my little fleet, when, about half-past nine,

I heard several musket shots fired. In an instant I was

surrounded by the enemy. M. Chevalier, who conducted the

land detachment, fortunately perceived my situation, and,

seeing my danger, brought up the two guns and fired about

20 shots, which disengaged me, and gave me time to regain

my boats by swift rowing. I had with me only Pedro and

the Moorish hostage mentioned before. Then I landed with

MM. Brayer, Gourlade, and in general every one who was

strong enough to defend himself. At the same time I ordered

the boats to go on. In this skirmish our loss was only one

man slightly wounded in the ear by a musket-ball.

"My little fleet en route, we marched by land on the

bank opposite to that on which was, the main body of the

enemy, who had only cavalry, which we did not trouble

ourselves about It was not the same, however, with the

boats. At the end of an hour the boatmen abandoned them

in a sudden panic, and hurried tumultuously to join me.

When my people were collected, I would have tried to go

and recapture my boats, which the enemy had not delayed

to seize; but not only would this have been a rash undertaking

with so small a force against 3000 men, but also

there was a little river which formed an island between my

boats and me, and so prevented the passage of my guns

This determined me to abandon the boats, and to retreat to

Dinajpur, where I hoped to find an asylum with the Raja

whilst I waited for a reply to my letters to Jafar All Khan

and the English. We marched till 1 o'clock in the afternoon

without being harassed or disquieted—no doubt because

during this time Sheikh Faiz Ulla and his people were

occupied in plundering the boats. We were now not very

far from Dinajpur, when we met a body of the Raja's cavalry,

the commander of which begged me to take another road so

as not to pass through his town. Accordingly he gave me

a guide, with whom we marched till half-past five, when we

arrived at a great gunge (market place) at the extremity of

Dinajpur. There they lodged us in a great thatched building.

The want of provisions had caused us to suffer very much in

this retreat."

Это была битва при Кантанагаре. Касим Али описывал ее Клайву следующим образом:

"My people and the French had a battle, and the latter

finding themselves much, beat, they run away, and left their

boats. They went to Oppoor" "and begged protection of

the Kajah's people.... Bahadur Sing came and told my

people to go a little further off, and they would deliver

them up, but they put us off from day to day."[154]

Примерно в то время, когда он писал это, Клайв отправил послание о том, что получил предложение Куртена о капитуляции и что Касим Али должен прекратить военные действия и позволить французам прибыть к нему со своими лодками и припасами. Касим Али получил аналогичные распоряжения от мистера Скрафтона, который сообщил ему, что направляет офицера для принятия их сдачи. Однако это не помешало Касим Али попытаться захватить их, чем объясняется следующее письмо раджи Рам Ната к Клайву:

"The French are now coming from another country by

boats to go towards Muxadavad, and Kasim Ali Khan's

people have followed them, out of his own country into

mine. They have left their boats among Kasim Ali Khan's

people and are now travelling to Jangepors" (? Tangepur).

"When I heard this I sent people with all expedition to look

after them, and I now hear that they have surrounded them.

The French want the Nawab's and your orders and call for justice[156]

from you. They have hoisted the Nawab's[157] and

your colours, have put on your cloaths (?) and want to go

to Muxadavad. Kasim Ali Khan's people want to carry

them to Rungpore but they refuse to go, and say that if one

of us is taken they will destroy themselves.[158] I am a poor

Zemindar who pays revenues[159] and ready to obey your

orders. If the Rungpore people should take them by force,

and they should kill themselves, it would be a troublesome

affair."

Возвращаясь к письму Куртена.

"The Raja of Dinajpur did not fail to be embarrassed by

the favour which he had shown to us. Fear was the only

motive which influenced him. He sent word to me to

depart by night under an escort of 200 of his people, who

would conduct me to Murshidabad. I was very nearly

accepting his suggestion, but the hunger and thirst, from

which we suffered greatly, prevented me. So I postponed

giving him a final answer till the next morning, and

then, after full reflection, decided not to move from the

place to which. I had been conducted until I received an

answer to the letters sent to Murshidabad. I thought this

all the wiser, as I was informed that nothing would induce

my enemies to approach or attack me in my asylum.[160] The

place was so retired and so well provided with storehouses,

that I found there a greater appearance of security than in

the open country or the escort offered by the Raja, as his

men were subordinate to the same Prince as the people who

composed the army of Sheikh Faiz Ulla, and were likely

enough to abandon me or to join my enemies in overwhelming

me. My conjectures were well founded, as, several days

after, this same Raja, prompted by Sheikh Faiz Ulla, sent

me word that he could not answer for what might happen to

me if I were attacked; that his troops, being subject to

Murshidabad like those of Kasim All Khan, could not

support me, nor fire on the latter. Finally he sent a certain

priest of his faith, a grave man, who came to suggest to us

that our best course was to leave Dinajpur and gain the

open country, otherwise we were lost. He said that he

knew for certain that if I were so obstinate as to persist in

wishing to remain there, orders had been given to attack us,

cut our throats, and send our heads to Murshidabad. This

person wished to terrify us so as to rid the Raja of us, as he

was dying with fright lest war should be made in the very

heart of his town. I replied that I was resolved to defend

myself against any one who attacked me, to set fire to

everything I found within my reach, to kill as many people

as I could, and to die on my guns when I had used up all

my ammunition; that this was also the intention of my companions,

who preferred to die thus, like brave men, rather than

to be exposed to the ignominies and indignities that we should

undergo if we allowed ourselves to be made prisoners by the

people of Kasim All Khan. The timid Raja, threatened by

both parties, found himself in the utmost embarrassment, for

Sheikh Faiz Ulla, at the gates of his town, put, as it were,

his country under contribution, and demanded from him,

with all imaginable insolence, that he should deliver us up

to him, a thing which the Raja found difficult to do.

"Some days passed in this way, during which we had

frequent alarms, but the letters I received from Murshidabad

filled every one with perplexity. The English sent me

people on their own account. One of my private friends,[161]

whom I had been so fortunate as to oblige on a similar

occasion, wrote me not to trouble myself about my boats or

my effects, but to come at once to him, and he would see

that they restored or paid for my property, and that they

gave me all that I might need. The orders received by

Sheikh Faiz Ulla and the Raja at the same time, ordered the

one to leave me in peace and the other to furnish me with

everything I wanted. This put my mind in a condition of

serenity to which it had long been a stranger, and threw my

enemies into much confusion. They proposed that I should

resume possession of my boats. I knew, with absolute

certainty, that they had been half looted, still I accepted

them on condition they were brought to Dinajpur. They

did not wish, to do this; but next morning after reflection

they consented, when, in my turn, I declined, and asked only

for provisions and other things necessary for my journey.

This they had the harshness to refuse, doubtless because they

thought that I, being destitute of everything, would have to

go down by whatever route they pleased. I would not

trust them in anything, fearing treachery.

"At last, without linen, without clothes, except what we

had on our bodies, on the 1st of March, the seventeenth day

after our retreat[162] we set out with our arms and our two

Swedish guns to go to Murshidabad to the English, from

whom I had demanded the honours of war."

We learn from the correspondence between Mr. Scrafton and Clive, that Drake, the cowardly

Governor of Calcutta, very naturally could not understand what was meant by this claim to the

honours of war.[163]

"My guns were conducted by land by a small detachment,

the command of which I gave to M. Chevalier, and we

embarked on some small boats belonging to the Raja,

in which we had hardly room to move.

"I was not yet at the end of my troubles, for on the

3rd of March, after dinner, as I was getting back into

my boat, one of the boatmen, wishing to put down a gun,

managed to let it off, and sent a bullet through my left

shoulder. It passed through the clavicle between the sinew

and the bone. Luckily the blow was broken by a button which

the bullet first struck; still it passed almost completely

through the shoulder and lodged under the skin, which had

to be opened behind the shoulder to extract it and also the

wad. However unfortunate this wound was, I ought to be very

thankful to God that it was so safely directed, and for the

further good fortune of finding with one of my people sufficient

ointment for the surgeon, who was quite destitute of all necessaries,

to dress my shoulder until the ninth day after, when we arrived at

Murshidabad.[164] This wound caused me much suffering for the first

few days, but, thanks to the Lord, in thirty-two or thirty-three

days it was quite healed and without any bad effects.

"We rested ourselves from our fatigue till the 20th at my friend's

house, when, with his concurrence and in response to their offers,

I went to the Dutch gentlemen at Cossimbazar, where M. Vernet, their

chief and an old friend of mine, received us with the greatest kindness.

It is from their Settlement that I write to thee, my dear wife. Until

the ships sail for England I shall continue to write daily, and tell

thee everything that is of interest.[165]

"August 10, 1758.

"My dear wife, I resume my narrative to tell thee that my boats have

been restored by the English, as well as all the goods that had not

been plundered by Sheikh Faiz Ulla and his people, except the munitions

of war. Still, so much of the merchandise, goods and silver, has

disappeared that I am ruined for ever, unless the English, who have

promised to cause everything to be restored, are able to make the Moors

give them up. The English have at length decided on our fate in a way

altogether honourable to us. We are not prisoners of war, and so we are

not subject to exchange; but we are bound by certain conditions, which

they think necessary to their security, and which only do me honour.

What has flattered me even more is that the two Swedish guns which I

had with me on my campaign have actually been given to me as a present

by the commander of the English troops, who is also Governor of Calcutta,

with the most complimentary expressions."

Куртен написал Клайву, испрашивая разрешения спуститься в Пондишери. Клайв ответил 15 июля 1758 года, давая свое согласие. Его письмо завершается так:

"I am at this moment sending an order to the Captain

Commandant of our troops to restore to you your two guns.

I am charmed at this opportunity of showing you my

appreciation of the way in which you have always behaved

to the English, and my own regard for your merit."[166]

Куртен продолжает:

"Saved from so many perils and sufficiently fortunate

to have won such sensible marks of distinction from our

enemies, ought not this, my dear wife, to make me hope that

the gentlemen of the French Company will do their utmost

to procure me some military honour, in order to prove to the

English that my nation is as ready as theirs to recognize my

services?[167]

"Now, my dear wife, I must end this letter so that it

may be ready for despatch. For fear of its being lost I will

send in the packet another letter for thee.

"Do not disquiet thyself regarding my health. Thanks

to God I am now actually pretty well. I dare not talk to

thee of the possibility of our meeting. Circumstances are

not favourable for thee to make another voyage to the Indies.

That must depend upon events, thy health, peace, and

wishes, which, in spite of my tender longing for thee, will

always be my guide.

"If the event of war has not been doubly disastrous to

me, thou shouldst have received some small remittances,

which I have sent, and of which I have advised thee in

duplicate and triplicate. If the decrees of the Lord, after

my having endured so many misfortunes and sufferings, have

also ordained my death before I am in a position to provide

what concerns thee, have I not a right to hope that all my

friends will use their influence to induce the Company not

to abandon one who will be the widow of two men who have

served it well, and with all imaginable disinterestedness?

"For the rest I repeat that, thanks to God, I am fairly well.

"I kiss thee, etc., etc."

Было бы отрадно узнать, что Куртен восстановил свое состояние. Если он, как я полагаю, и есть тот Жак Игнак Куртен, который впоследствии состоял членом Совета по делам Индии (Conseiller au Conseil des Indes), мы можем быть уверены, что ему это удалось; однако архивы Французской Ост-Индской компании в настоящее время представляют собой безнадежный хаос, и все, что удается извлечь из английских записей — это свидетельства о новых страданиях.

Из Муршидабада или Кассимбазара Куртен спустился в Шандернагор, откуда большинство французских жителей уже были отправлены на Мадрасский берег. Форт был взорван, а частные дома подлежали сносу, поскольку англичане решили разрушить город — отчасти из мести за поведение Лалли, который, действуя по указаниям Французской Ост-Индской компании, проявил большую суровость по отношению к англичанам на юге Индии; отчасти потому, что они не считали себя достаточно сильными, чтобы гарнизонировать Шандернагор наряду с Калькуттой, и опасались, что мавры займут его, если они не разместят там войска; и отчасти потому, что они страшились его возвращения Франции (что в итоге и произошло) при заключении мира. Во всяком случае, Куртен застал остатки своих соотечественников в отчаянии, и в 1759 году он написал Клайву и Совету в Калькутте письмо, из которого я цитирую один-два абзаца:

"With the most bitter grief I have received advice of

the sentence you have passed on the French Settlement

at Chandernagore, by which all the buildings, as well of

the Company as of private persons, are to be utterly

demolished.

"Humane and compassionate as you are, Sirs, you would

be sensibly affected—were your eyes witnesses to it as mine

have been—by the distress to which this order has reduced

the hearts of those unhappy inhabitants who remain in that

unfortunate place, particularly if you knew that there is

nothing left to the majority of them beyond these houses, on

whose destruction you have resolved. If I may believe

what I hear, the motive which incites you is that of reprisal

for what has happened at Cuddalore and Madras: it does

not become me to criticize either the conduct of M. Lally,

our general, who, by all accounts, is a man very much to be

respected by me, or your reasons, which you suppose sufficient.

Granting the latter to be so, permit me, Sirs, to

address myself to your generosity and humanity, and those

admirable qualities, so universally esteemed by mankind,

will encourage me to take the liberty to make certain representations.

"All upbraidings are odious, and nothing is more just

than the French proverb which says, to remind a person of

favours done him cancels the obligation. God forbid, Sirs,

I should be guilty of this to you or your nation by reminding

you for a moment, that these houses, now condemned by

you, served you as an asylum in 1756, and that the owners,

whom you are now reducing to the greatest distress and are

plunging into despair, assisted you to the utmost of their

power, and alleviated your misfortunes as much as they were

able. But what am I saying? Your nation is too polished to

need reminding of what is just. Therefore excuse my saying

that this reason alone is sufficient to cancel the law of

retaliation which you have resolved to execute, and to make

you revoke an order which, I am sure, you could not have

given without much uneasiness of mind. I cast myself at

your feet, imploring, with the most ardent prayers, that

compassion, which I flatter myself I perceive in your hearts,

for these poor creatures, whom you cannot without remorse

render miserable. If you really, Sirs, think I too have had

the happiness to be of some use to you and your nation,

whilst Chief at Dacca, and that I have rendered you some

services, I only beg that you would recollect them for one

moment, and let them induce you to grant the favour I

request for my poor countrymen. I shall then regard it as

the most happy incident in my life, and shall think myself

ten thousand times more indebted to you.

"If, Sirs, you have absolutely imperative reasons for

reprisal, change, if you please, the object of them. I offer

myself a willing victim, if there must be one, and, if blood

were necessary, I should think myself too happy to offer

mine a sacrifice. But as these barbarous methods are not

made use of in nations so civilized as ours, I have one last

offer to make, which is to ransom and buy all the private

houses at Chandernagore, for which I will enter into whatever

engagements you please, and will give you the best

security in my power."

Последние слова, судя по всему, означают, что Куртен вернул свое имущество, по крайней мере в значительной степени; однако его жалобный призыв остался гласом вопиющего в пустыне перед лицом государственных нужд, и Шандернагор был опустошен до такой степени, что в ноябре того же года мы читаем, будто английская армия под командованием полковника Форда попала в засаду голландского гарнизона из Чинсуры «среди зданий и руин Шандернагора».

Из Шандернагора Куртен отправился в Пондишери, где стал членом Высшего совета. Он был одним из лидеров фракции, противостоявшей Лалли, который презрительно упоминает печатный «Мемориал» о его приключениях, составленный Куртеном, вероятно, для представления директорам Французской Ост-Индской компании. Когда в январе 1761 года Лалли решил капитулировать, Куртен был направлен к английскому командующему от имени Совета. Еще позже мы находим его имя под петицией от 3 августа 1762 года, поданной против Лалли королю. Это свидетельствует о том, что Куртен прибыл во Францию, так что его возведение в ранг члена Совета Компании представляется весьма вероятным.

Любому, кто долго жил в Индии, кажется противоестественным, что в прежние времена небольшие европейские колонии, обосновавшиеся там, были вовлечены в взаимные распри и взаимное разорение из-за ссор, зародившихся в далёкой Европе и решавшихся без какого-либо учета пожеланий или интересов европейцев, живших в колониях. Британские поселения — единственные, кто успешно пережил эту борьбу. Меньшее, что мы можем сделать — это воздать должное достоинствам и одновременно посочувствовать страданиям тех других доблестных мужей, которые изо всех сил старались завоевать главный приз для своих соотечественников. Что касается французов в особенности, то складывается впечатление, будто их авторы замечали лишь тех, вроде Дюплекса, Бюсси и Лалли, кто командовал армиями в славных кампаниях, которые почему-то всегда завершались в пользу британцев, и совершенно забывали гражданских лиц, которые действительно двигали дело вперед и были бы вдвое опаснее для своих врагов, окажись военные у них в подчинении. Проклятием Французской Ост-Индской компании был милитаризм, в то время как к счастью для англичан, наш величайший военный герой в Индии, лорд Клайв, обладал столь ясным умом, что мог написать:

"I have the liberty of an Englishman so strongly implanted

in my nature, that I would have the Civil all in all,

in all times and in all places, cases of immediate danger

excepted."

Сколького могли бы добиться такие люди, как Рено, Ло и Куртен, будь в их распоряжении адекватные военные силы! Они так же ясно, как и англичане, видели, что Бенгалия — это сердце Индии, и наблюдали, как англичане обнажают Мадрас от войск ради защиты Бенгалии, в то время как сами они были оставлены французскими командующими в состоянии безнадежного бессилия. С другой стороны, благодаря настоянию Английской компании на том, чтобы военное господство было исключением, а не правилом, британские гражданские служащие и британские солдаты почти всегда работали вместе в полном согласии. Именно этот союз силы подарил нам Бенгалию в то время, о котором я писал, и тому же источнику мощи мы обязаны постепенным созиданием великой Империи, которая ныне доминирует во всей Индии.

Примечания:

[122: Вероятно, португальские метисы.]

[123: Воины с фитильными ружьями. Консультации Совета Дакки, 27 июня 1756 г. Протоколы Секретного комитета Мадраса, 9 ноября 1756 г.]

[124: Когда Куртен был отправлен графом Лалли с предложениями о сдаче Пондишери, ему пришлось взять с собой переводчика. Мемуары Лалли, стр. 105.]

[125: То есть официальный приказ.]

[126: Я не могу выяснить, где находился м. Флерен в этот момент. Если в Дакке, то Куртен, должно быть, оставил его позади.]

[127: Рукописи на французском языке, новые поступления, № 9361. К сожалению, это лишь копия, и даты в ней несколько перепутаны. Где возможно, я их исправил.]

[128: Калкапур, место расположения голландской фактории. См. примечание на стр. 64.]

[129: Судя по карте окрестностей Дакки, составленной Реннелом, французская фактория располагалась на реке Буриганге. В городе Дакке до сих пор есть несколько земельных участков, принадлежащих французам. Один из них, народно именуемый Фрашданга, находится в устье старого русла реки, которое обрамляет южную часть города в виде острова; однако я не думаю, что это место французской фактории, поскольку последняя, судя по всему, располагалась к западу от нынешнего дворца наваба.]

[130: Теперь используется в значении гонцов или служащих при канцелярии.]

[131: Орм говорит (кн. viii, стр. 285), что Куртен выступил с 30 европейцами и 100 сипаями. Из «Мемуаров» Ло мы видим, что м. де Каррион увел 20 человек в Кассимбазар еще до того, как сам Ло отправился в путь. Этим объясняется малочисленность отряда Куртена.]

[132: Джафар Али Хан был женат на сестре Аливерди Хана, деда Сирадж-уд-Даулы.]

[133: Я полагаю, он имеет в виду устье Муршидабадской реки.]

[134: Куртен имеет в виду предгорья Гималаев, населенные непальцами, бхутия и др. Следовательно, его странствия проходили в округах Рангпур и Динаджпур.]

[135: Синфрэ, секретарь совета в Шандернагоре, был одним из беглецов, которые, как упоминалось выше, присоединились к Ло в Кассимбазаре.]

[136: Ассадузама Мухаммад приходился племянником Камгар Хану, генералу Шах Алама. Холлвелл. Мемориал Секретному комитету, 1760 г.]

[137: Рукописи Орма, Индия XI, стр. 2859, № 246.]

[138: Орм утверждает, что форт находился на реке Тиста, но Реннел отмечает его более точно — несколько в стороне от реки и примерно в пятнадцати милях к югу от Джалпайгури.]

[139: Эти пушки Куртен называет «pièces à la minute». Правильным наименованием должно быть «canon à la suédoise» или «canon à la minute». Они были изобретены шведами, которые использовали 3-фунтовые орудия с усовершенствованными методами заряжания и стрельбы, позволявшими делать до десяти выстрелов в минуту. Французы приняли на вооружение 4-фунтовую пушку такого рода в 1743 году. Вышеприведенные сведения предоставлены мне подполковником Оттли Перри со ссылкой на полковника Колена, артиллерийского офицера французского Главного штаба.]

[140: Эта эскадра под командованием м. Буве действительно прибыла.]

[141: Это восстание на самом деле возглавлял Укил Сингх, индусский диван Хазир Али.]

[142: Мир Джафар, Джафар Али, Мир Джафар Али Хан — все это вариации имени наваба, которого англичане возвели на престол после смерти Сирадж-уд-Даулы.]

[143: Ло говорит, что французские солдаты, бродившие таким образом по стране, имели обыкновение маскироваться под туземцев и даже под брахманов, когда хотели избежать внимания.]

[144: Род местного туземного судна-плавдома.]

[145: Тяжелое ружье, стреляющее с упора или подставки.]

[146: Ров или овраг.]

[147: Рукописи Орма, Индия XI, стр. 2901, № 374.]

[148: Толстое стеганое одеяние, используемое как покрывало в постели, а иногда наподобие пледа для укутывания.]

[149: Рукописи Орма, Индия XL, стр. 2915, № 417.]

[150: Консультации Секретного комитета Бенгалии, 22 февраля 1758 г.]

[151: Мне не удалось идентифицировать это место.]

[152: Лодочник.]

[153: См. примечание на стр. 88.]

[154: Рукописи Орма, Индия XI, стр. 2923, № 432.]

[155: Рукописи Орма, Индия XL, стр. 2926, № 438.]

[156: Это выражение является сугубо индийским и используется тогда, когда кто-либо, чувствуя себя угнетаемым, взывает к какому-нибудь великому лицу за защитой.]

[157: Флагом наваба был обычный турецкий полумесяц.]

[158: Еще одно индийское выражение. Последнее средство против притеснения или несправедливости в Индии заключается в том, чтобы покончить с собой посредством голодовки или какого-либо насильственного способа и возложить вину на угнетателя. Считается, что это навлекает на него проклятие в убийстве.]

[159: Это означает лишь то, что раджа не был независимым правителем. Тот факт, что государю принадлежала вся земля, земельный доход и рентные сборы, означал ровно то же самое.]

[160: Это, видимо, требует пояснения. Вероятно, Куртен забрался в какое-то помещение, использовавшееся для религиозных обрядов, какие часто встречаются на рынках крупных землевладельцев или в непосредственной близости от них.]

[161: Вероятно, он имеет в виду мистера Люка Скрафтона.]

[162: То есть из своих укреплений.]

[163: «Куртен со своей партией прибыл сюда 10-го числа. В их числе 6 солдат — голландец, немец и швед, поступившие на службу к французам, когда наша фактория в Дакке пала в руки Сирадж-уд-Даулы, 4 джентльмена, несколько читтагонгских парней и около 20 пеонв. Куртен по пути сюда по несчастной случайности получил пулевое ранение в плечо. Они потребовали военных почестей (honneurs de la guerre), чего Дрейк не понял» (Скрафтон — Клайву, 12 марта 1758 г.).]

[164: Согласно Орму, силы Куртена сократились с 30 до 11 европейцев и со 100 до 30 сипаев.]

[165: Рукопись, с которой я делаю перевод, содержит только постскриптум от 10 августа.]

[166: Перевод. Клайв обычно писал французским офицерам на их родном языке.]

[167: Подобные почести жаловали не столь уж редко. Ло был произведен в полковники, равно как и другой французский приверженец по имени Мадек. С другой стороны, когда у французского дворянина был выбор, он часто определял старшего сына на службу в Компанию, а младшего — в армию. Младший брат Ло состоял в армии. Старший сын Рено служил в Компании, а младший — в армии.]

[168: Приложено к «Общественным протоколам Бенгалии» от 31 мая 1759 г.]

[169: Я не знаю, существует ли этот «Мемориал» до сих пор, но см. «Мемуары графа Лалли», стр. 53.]

[170: «Мемуары графа Лалли», стр. 367.]

INDEX

Abdulla Khan

Admiralty, the English

Aeneas

Afghan General, the

See Abdulla Khan

Agra

Ahmed Khan Koreishi

Alamgir II., Emperor, assassinated November 29, 1759

Ali Gauhar

See Shah Alam

Aliverdi Khan

his opinion of Europeans

sister of

Allahabad

Amina Begum, mother of Siraj-ud-daula

Anquetil du Perron, M.

Anti-Renaultions

"Arabian Nights"

Archives, French

Areca-nut

Armenian officers

Armenians

Arz-begi (Gholam Ali Khan)

Arzi

Asiatic Annual Register

Assaduzama Muhammad, Raja of Birbhum

Assam, King of

Audience Hall, the

Augustine Father

Aurengzebe

Bahadur Singh

Bahar

See Bihar

Bajarow

Balasore

Bandel

Bankers, influence of Indian

Banowra River

Barber, a native

Battle of the 5th of February

Becher, Mr. Richard

Beinges, M.

Benares

Bengal

Nawabs of

records

revolution in

rivers of

Bengali merchant

Berhampur

Betel

Bettiah, Raja of

Bhagulpur

Bhutiyas

Bibi Lass

See Mrs. Law

Bibliothèque Nationale

Biderra, battle of

Bihar, Hindu Rajas of

map of south

province of

town of

Birbhum

Raja of See Assaduzama Muhammad

Bisdom, Adrian, Director of the Dutch in Bengal

Black Hole, the

Bloomer, Lieut.

Boissemont, M.

Bombay

Bourigunga River

Bouvet, M.

Brahmins

Brayer, Ensign

M., one of Courtin's companions

Brereton, Lieut. William

Bridgewater, H.M.S. (Captain Smith)

British. See English

civilians

Museum, MS. Department

Broome, Captain A., Author of the "Rise and Progress of the

Bengal Army" (Calcutta, 1850)

Budge Budge, battle of

Bugros, M.

Bukshi

Bulwant Singh, Raja of Benares

Bundelkand or Bundelcund

Bussy, M.

Buxerries

Caillot, or Caillaud

Calcapur

Calcutta

English Council at

Calvé, M.

Cannon balls of clay

Cantanagar, battle of

Capitulation of Chandernagore, dispute as to terms of

Capucins, church of

Carnac, Major John

Carryon, M. le Comte de

Carvalho, Jeanne. See Mrs. Law

Cause of Siraj-ud-daula's attack on the English

Chambon, M

Chandernagore

booty taken at

cemetery at

council at

deserters from

garrison of

possibility of its capture by English land forces alone

terms of capitulation of

Chatrapur

Chauth

Chevalier, M.

Chinese

Chinsurah

Chittagong

Choquova

Christian clerks

Christians

Chunargarh

Chunam

Chupra or Chapra.

Cicero

Civil Power, the

Clive, Lieut.-Colonel Robert (Lord Clive)

Coja Wajid

Colbert, M.

Colin, Catherine

Colonel

Coote, Captain (Sir) Eyre

Coromandel, Coast of, See Madras Coast

Cossimbazar

Cossimbazar River

Courtin, François,

Jacques Ignace

Courtin, Mrs.

See Madame Direy

Courtin's Memorial

Cuddalore

Cudmore, Lieut. John

Cuttack

Dacca;

Council at;

Government College at;

Nawab of;

Palace of present Nawab

D'Aillot, powders

D'Albert, M. le Chevalier

Dana Shah

Danes

Dangereux, M.

Davis, Mr.

Debellême, M. le Capitaine

De Carryon, M. le Comte

Deccan

De Kalli, M.

Delabar, M.

De la Bretesche, M.

Delamotte, Mr. John

De la Vigne Buisson;

M. le Capitaine;

jun.

De Leyrit, M.

Delhi

De Montorcin, M.

Desbrosses, M.

Deserters, English;

French

Desjoux, M.

De Terraneau, Ann.;

Lieut. Charles Cossard;

senior

De Tury;

M., Commandant of Chandernagore

D'Hurvilliers, M.

Dido

Dinajpur;

Raja of

Dinapur

Direy, Madame, See Mrs. Courtin

Diwan

Doctor, French

Doidge, Mr.

Drake, Roger, jun.;

President of the Council at Calcutta

Droguet, M.

Dubois;

M., French Company's servant;

M., Sturgeon Major

Du Cap, M.

Dupleix, Marquis

Du Pré, M.

Durbar, The

Dustuck

Dutch;

Director. See M. Bisdom;

Octagon, the

East India Company, English;

Forces

East India Company, French

Elephants, gentleness of

Engineers, want of

England

English;

See British;

agent of;

ladies at Dacca;

Records;

trade privileges of

Eunuchs

Europe

Europeans

Europeans, generosity and courage of,

Fakir, See Dana Shah

Farmers of estates,

Farukhabad,

Faujdar,

Fazl-kuli-khan,

Feringhees,

Firman,

Fleurin, M.,

Forde, Colonel,

Fort Bourgogne,

d'Orleans,

William,

Fournier, M.,

France,

King of,

Frashdanga,

French,

civilians,

ladies,

mistaken for Muhammadans,

proverb,

soldiers,

up-country factories,

Fringuey Raja,

Fullerton, Dr. William,

Fulta,

Ganges river, See Hugli River

Gaya,

Gentiles, or Gentoos,

Germans,

Ghazipur,

Gholam Husain Khan,

Gourbin, M.

Gourlade, M.,

Grand Monarque, the,

Great Britain,

King of,

Gunge,

Gunny,

Hackerys,

Haillet, M.,

Hardwicke, Lord,

Hazir Ali Khan,

Hey, Lieut.,

Himalayas,

Hindu advisers of the Nawab,

Hindu Rajas,

women, ill-treatment of—by Siraj-ud-daula,

Hindus, the,

Hindustan,

Holkar,

Holwell, John Zephaniah, Governor,

Honours of war,

Hugli, Faujdar of, See Nand Kumar

fort,

River,

town,

Imad-al-Muluk, Ghazi-ud-din Khan,

India,

Southern,

Indian expressions, characteristic,

minds, motives of,

ways of business,

Indies, The,

Indrapat, Raja of Bundelkand,

Inhabitants,

Innocent, or Innocent Jesus,

Ironside, Colonel Gilbert,

Ives, Surgeon Edward, author of "A

Voyage from England to India in

1754, with, a narrative of the operations

of the squadron and army in

India, under Watson and Clive,

1755-1757; Also a Journey from Persia to England," (London, 1799)

Jafar Ali Khan.

See Mir Jafar Ali Khan

Jagat Seth, family of

See Seths

Jalpaiguri

Jats, the

Jemadars

Jesuit Church, the

Fathers, the

Jobard, M.

Jugdea

See Luckipore

Jusserat Khan, Nawab of Dacca

Kaffirs

Kamgar Khan

Karical

Kasim Ali Khan, Nawab of Bengal

See Mir Kasim

Kasim Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore

Kent, H.M.S.

Kerdizien, M.

Khodadad Khan Latty

Kilpatrick, Major James

King

See Mogul

Kingfisher, H.M.S.

Kissendas, son of Raj Balav

Knox, Captain Ranfurlie

Kooti Ghat

Koran, the

La Haye, M.

Lal Dighi

Lally, Count

Memoirs of

Laporterie, M.

La Rue, M.

Latham, Captain

Launay, M.

La Ville Martère, M.

Law, Jacques François

Jean, of Lauriston

Madame Jeanne

John, of Lauriston, the Financier

William

Law's Memoir

Le Conte Dompierre

Lee, Corporal

Le Noir, M.

Le Page, M., Second Surgeon

Locusts

Luckipore

See Jugdea

Lucknow

Lynn, Captain

McGwire, Mr. William

Madec, Colonel

Madras

Coast

See Coromandel

Malleson, Colonel G.B., Author of "History of the French in India

from the Founding of Pondicherry in 1674 to the Capture of that

Place in 1761" (London, 1868)

Manik Chand, Raja

Manjhi

Maratha Commander

Law's altercation with

General, the

Marathas

Martin, Captain

Martin de la Case, Ensign

Matel, M.

Midnapur

Militarism

Minchin, Captain George, Captain-Commandant of Calcutta

Mir Abdulla

Miran, son of Mir Jafar

Mir Daood, brother of Mir Jafar, and Faujdar of Rajmehal

Mir Jafar Ali Khan, made Nawab by the English after Plassey

Mir Kasim, or Kasim Ali Khan, son-in-law and successor of Mir Jafar

army of

Mir Madan

Mogul

See King

Mohan Lal, favourite of the Nawab

Monsoon

Moor hostages

nobles

Moorish colours

forts

soldiers

treachery

Moors

Muhammadhans

Murshidabad

See Muxadabad

or Cossimbazar River

Murshid Kuli Khan

Mustapha Ali Khan

Mutinies

Muxadabad

See Murshidabad

Naib

Nand Kumar, Faujdar of Hugli

Native indifference to the quarrels of the Europeans

Nautch

Naval officer, an English

Nawab, the

See Siraj-ud-daula

Hindu advisers and servants of

Nawajis Muhammad Khan, uncle of Siraj-ud-daula

Nawajis Muhammad Khan's widow

Nazir Dalal, the

Negroes

Nepaulese

Neutrality in the Ganges

News from Bengal

Nicolas, M.F.

Nover, Sergeant

Nullah

Omichand

Onofre, Reverend Father

Oppoor

Orissa

Orme Papers or MSS.

Orme, Robert, historian

Oudh

Nawab of. See Suja-ud-daula

Pagodas or Hindu Temples

Paris

Parwana

Pathans

Patna

Naib of

River

Pattamar

Pavilion, Bastion du

Pearkes, Mr. Paul Richard

Pedro

Peons

Perry, Lieut.-Colonel Ottley

Phulbari

Picques, M.

Pilots, French

Plassey, battle of

Pocock, Admiral (Sir) George

Pondicherry

Superior Council of

Porte Royale, the

Portuguese half-castes

Predestination

Priest, Hindu

Probate Records (Mayor's Court, Calcutta)

Prussian Gardens

Purneah

Nawab of. See Saukat Jang

Raj Durlabh Ram, Raja

Rains, the

Raj Balav, Raja

Rajas, Hindu

Rajmehal

Faujdar of.

See Mir Daood

Ramnarain, Raja, Naib or Deputy Governor of Patua

Ram Nath, Raja of Dinajpur

Ranjit Rai, agent of the Seths

Raymond, M.

Renault, Pierre, Director of Chandernagore (Malleson calls him

Renault de St. Germain, but he never signs himself as such)

Renault, de St. Germain, eldest son of Pierre Renault

Renault, Lieut., second son of Pierre Renault

Renault, de la Fuye, M.

Renaultions, the

Rennell, Major James, geographer

Rezai,

Royal Music, the

Rungpore

Raja of. See Kasizn All Khan

Sahibgunj, Raja of

Saidabad.

Saint Contest, the

St. Didier, M.

St. Louis, Order of

Parish Church of

Salabat Jang

Salisbury, H.M.S.

Sarfaraz Khan, Nawab of Bengal, defeated and killed in battle

by Aliverdi Khan in 1742

Saukat Jang, Nawab of Purneah and cousin of Siraj-ud-daula

Scrafton, Mr. Luke, Author of "Reflections on the Government

of Indostan" (London, 1770)

Scrafton's "Reflections"

Select Committee at Calcutta

at Madras

Sepoys, 10. See Telingas

French

Law's opinion of

Serampore, Danish Settlement

Seth Mahtab Rai, grandson of Jagat Seth

Seth Sarup Chand, grandson of Jagat Seth

Seths, agent of

See Ranjit Rai

Seths: the family of Jagat Seth

Shah, Alam

See Ali Gauhar

Shahzada or Crown Prince

See Shah Alam

Sheikh Faiz Ulla

Sinfray, M.

Siraj-ud-daula

See Nawab

cause of his attack on the English

his aunt, widow of Nawajia Khan

his mother

See Amina Begum

his younger brother

See Fazl-kuli-khan

Slippers, a pair of

Sooty

Soupy, fort of

Speke, Captain

Spies employed by the English,

by the Nawab

Suan, battle of

Subah

Suja-ud-daula, Nawabof Oudh

Summer, Mr. William Brightwell

Surgeons, French

Swedes

Swedish guns

Swiss

Tangepur, or Tanjipur,

Tanks used for military purposes

Tartars

Teesta River

Telingas or Tellingees

Tibet

king of,

Toby, Captain—of the Kingfisher

Tooke, Mr. William

Topasses

Treaty between the English and Mir Jafar

between the English and Siraj-ud-daula

between the French and Siraj-ud-daula

Turkish Crescent, the

Tyger, H.M.S.

Ukil Singh

Vansittart, Governor Henry

Vernet, M. George, Lodewjk

Villequain, M.

Vizir, The

Volunteers, English

French

Wakils

Walcot, Clive Correspondence at

Waller, Mr. Samuel

War, Declaration of, between England and France

Water Gate, the

Watson, Admiral Charles

Watts, Mrs. Amelia

the Worshipful Mr. William

Zemindar, collector of revenue

THE END