«Северные американцы древности. Происхождение, миграции и тип цивилизации»

[367] Orozco y Berra, Geografia, p. 127. Pimentel, Lenguas Indigenas de Mexico, tom. i, p. 223. Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. v, p. 204.

[368] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i, p. 278. Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i, pp. 151–61.

[369] Historia Chichimeca, cap. i, in Kingsborough’s Mex. Ant., vol. ix, p. 205.

[370] Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. v, p. 196, and vol. ii, p. 112. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i, p. 32. Mendieta’s Hist. Eccl., p. 146.

[371] “Celebraron assimismo los Indios su dicho origen en antiguos cantares, y tuvieron tan viva la memoria de la torre de Babel, que la quisieron imitar en America con varios monstruosos edificias.” He then cites the Pyramid of Cholula as having been built in commemoration of the Tower of Babel. See Boturini, Idea de Una Nueva Historia, p. 113.

[372] Boturini’s Idea, p. 111 et seq. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i, pp. 129–31, et tom. ii, p. 6. Kingsborough’s Mex. Ant., especially vol. vi, p. 401, and Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano, tav. vii, in Mex. Ant., vol. v, pp. 164–5, and Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iii, p. 67; vol. v, p. 200 et seq.

[373] A portion of the work has been printed at Mexico.

[374] Historia Antigua de la Nueva España, MS., tom. i, cap. i, pp. 6–7.

[375] Alcedo (Diccionario Geografico Historico, tom. iii, p. 374) says that the Olmecs subsequently migrated southward and settled Guatemala. While this statement may be true in part, still it is not probable that any general migration took place, and Guatemala was certainly populated long before the Olmec power existed.

[376] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough’s Mex. Ant., vol. ix, pp. 321–2.

[377] Kingsborough’s Mex. Ant., vol. viii, p. 25.

[378] See Prescott’s Conq. Mexico, vol. i, p. 171, on the Censorial Council; also Ixtlilxochitl, Clavigero and Veytia as cited by him.

[379] Echevarria y Veitia, Hist. Gentes, MS., tom. i, p. 29, and Kingsborough, vol. viii, p. 176. Panes, Fragmentos de Historia, MS., p. 3 (copy in Congressional Library, Washington), as well as several other authorities.

[380] Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. v, pp. 193–5.

[381] Codex Chimalpopoca in Brasseur’s Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i, pp. 53, 71.

[382] Codex Chimal. in Brasseur’s Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i, p. 117, and Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. v, p. 194.

[383] Sahagun, Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva España, p. xviii, tom. i, Mexico, 1829.

[384] Hist. Gen., tom. iii, lib. x, p. 139 et seq. A translation and summary of facts is also given by Bancroft, Native Races, vol. v, p. 189 et seq.

[385] Bancroft, Native Races, vol. v, p. 211, in a note has summarized the dates of departure from Hue hue Tlapalan, as given by different authors, with the following result: Date of departure according to Veytia (tom. i, p. 208), 596 A.D.; Clavigero (tom. iv, p. 46), 544 A.D.; but in the 1st tom., p. 126, he gives 596, agreeing with Veytia; Müller (Reisen, tom. iii, p. 94 et seq., 439 A.D.; Brasseur de Bourbourg (Popol Vuh, p. clv), last of the fourth century; Cabrera (Teatro, pp. 90–1), 181 B. C. The commonly accepted date is that of Clavigero—544 A.D. But after comparing these authors and considering the grounds upon which they base their calculations, we are convinced that it is useless to attempt to arrive at the true date, just as it is impossible to determine any date with certainty in all the ancient American chronology. We will not go so far as Mr. Bancroft, who says that “the departure from Hue hue Tlapalan seems to have taken place in the fifth or sixth century.” The claims for the fourth century, we think, are just as good as for the others, if not better.

[386] On the migration see Ixtlilxochitl’s Relacions, in Kingsborough’s Mex. Ant., vol. ix, pp. 321–4; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i, p. 100, 136, and Popol Vuh, p. clv, clix–xi: Veytia’s Hist. Ant. Mej. Tom. 1st passim; Clavigero’s Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i, p. 426; tom. iv, pp. 46, 51; Müller’s Reisen in den Vereinigten-Staaten, Canada and Mexico, Bd. iii, ss. 91–7, Leipzig, 1864; Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. v, pp. 192–223.

[387] See Geografia de las Lenguas de Mexico, the Carta ethnografica affixed, and the text, pp. 1–76.

[388] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chichimeca, cap. ii. Kingsborough, Mex. Ant., vol. ix, p. 206. On page 450 see also another and different account.

[389] Native Races, vol. v, p. 214.

[390] See Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. v, pp. 214–15; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. lxiv, cxii, cxxvi–viii, clix; Ixtlilxocbitl in Kingsborough’s Mex. Ant., vol. ix, p 446; Alvarado in Ternaux-Compans Voy., série i, tom. x, p. 147.

[391] Baldwin’s Ancient Am., p. 202.

[392] See E. Q. Squier, Nicaragua, its People, Scenery, etc. Archæology and Ethnology of Nicaragua, part i, vol. iii, Trans. of Am. Ethnol. Soc., and Notes on Cent. Am., chap. xvi.

[393] Buschmann (Johann Carl Ed.), especially his Die Spuren der Aztekischen Sprachen im Nördlichen Mexico und Höhern Amerikanischen Norden. Berlin, 1859. Quarto.

[394] Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 688 et seq.; vol. v, p. 215, and numerous places.

[395] “All around the lakes of Mexico there are traces of ancient potteries, and I noticed that the bits of broken red earthenware scattered about them are identical in composition and color with those I have picked up in the valley of the Mississippi, and supposed to be relics of the ancient Mound-builders.”—Evens (A. S.), Our Sister Republic, p. 330. Hartford, 1870. Octavo.

[396] Ixtlilxochitl’s Relaciones, Kingsborough’s Mexican Antiquities, vol. ix, p. 322.

[397] Monarq. Ind., lib. i, cap. 19.

[398] Relaciones, in many places, and in Hist. Chichimecs, cap. 13.

[399] Relacion, MS. written 1582 in Sr. Icazbalceta’s collection.

[400] Lenguas Indigenas de Mexico, tom. i, p. 154.

[401] Fragmentos de Historia de Nueba España, MS., p. 45, Library at Washington.

[402] Duran’s Historia Antigua, tom. i, cap. i, p. 9, MS.

[403] Duran’s Historia Antigua, MS., tom. i, cap. 27; also cited in the Spanish by Bancroft, vol. v, p. 306. Aztlan, translated “whiteness” above, may be rendered “colorless” with equal propriety. Hue hue Tlapalan, on the contrary, is translated ancient red-land, or land of color, just the opposite of Aztlan, a fact which may serve to prove that they were two quite different localities.

[404] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i, pp. 156–9 (north of Colorado River); Humboldt, Vues, ii, p. 179, and Essai Pol., tom. i, p. 53 (north of 42° north latitude); Orozco y Berra, Geografia, pp. 81–2, and 136–7; Prichard’s Nat. Hist of Man, vol. ii, pp. 514–16 (Arazonia); Pimentel, Lenguas Indig. Mex., tom. i, p. 158. Most writers indefinitely assign the name to a region in the North, without attempting to designate the locality.

[405] Acosta, Hist. de las Ind., p. 454; Schoolcraft’s Archives of Ab. Knowledge, vol. i, p. 68; M. Aubin places it in Lower California; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii, p. 292; Pickering’s Races in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix, p. 41.

[406] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 144 (Xalisco); Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej. (Sonora); Möllhausen, Reisen in d. Felsengebirge N. Am., tom. ii, p. 143 et seq.

[407] Chief among these we may cite: Squier’s Notes on Central Amer., p. 349; Waldeck’s Voy. Pitt., p. 45, and Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. v, pp. 221, 305–6, 322–5; Müller, Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen, pp. 530–4, the latter, though inclined to assign Aztlan to a southern locality, still recognizes the fact that the Nahua family was originally a northern people.

[408] Historia Antigua, MS., tom. i, cap. i, p. 9.

[409] Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii, p. 292.

[410] Chief among whom are Gallatin, Gama and Veytia, who suppose that the adjustment of the calendar took place in 1090 A.D., and that the year Ce Tochtli corresponds with that date.

[411] Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. v, p. 324, and seems to be the opinion of Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii, pp. 292–5.

[412] Garcia Cubas’ Republic of Mexico in 1876 (Eng. trans.), p. 58.

[413] Veytia, tom. ii, pp. 91–8, and as summarized by Bancroft, vol. v, p. 323.

[414] Kingsborough’s Mex. Ant., vol. ix, pp. 5–8, and Bancroft, vol. v, p. 323.

[415] Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i, pp. 156–63.

[416] See Acosta, Hist. Nat. Ind., pp. 454–62. Herrera, Histor. Gen., dec. iii, lib. ii, cap. x–xi. Duran, MS., Hist. Antig., cap. i, ii, iii of tom. i.

[417] “Pero porque la noticia que tengo de su origen y principio no es mas, ni ellos saben dar mas relacion sino desde aqullas siete cuebas donde habitaron tan largo tiempo, las cuales desampararon para venir a vuscar esta Tierra unos primero que otros, otros despues, otros muy despues hasta dejarlas desiertas. Estas cuebas son en Teo-culhuican, que por otro nombre le llaman Aztlan, tierra de que todos tenemos noticia caer hacia la parte del Norte y Tierra-firma con la Florida; por tanto desde este lugar de estas cuebas dare verdadera relacion de estas Naciones y de sus sucessos. * * * Salieron pues siete Tribus de Gentes de aquellas cuebas donde habitaban para venir á vuscar esta Tierra, á las cuales llamaban Chicomostoc, de donde vienen a fingir que sus Padres nacieron de unas cuebas, no teniendo noticia de lo de atras de la salida.”—Duran, Hist. Antig., MS., tom. i, cap. i, p. 9.

[418] The Fragmentos de Historia de Nueba España, MS. (Congressional Library) of Diego Panes alludes to this event. “Como los Tarascos se adelantaron luego que pasaron el estrecho de mar, en los troncos de Arboles, y balsas, y otros instrumentos del pasaje y se metieron á vida y avitar en las siete cuebas espelnucas, y Tabernas de la Tierra, hasta que hicieron abitaciones, y moradas y como desde alli fueron cresciendo, y tomnado, el tiento de la Tierra y disposiciones de ella para poblarla.”

[419] We quote Bancroft’s rendering from the Vues, tom. ii, p. 176 et seq.: “From Colhuacan, the Mexican Ararat, fifteen chiefs or tribes reach Aztlan, ‘land of flamingoes,’ north of 42°, which they leave in 1038, passing through Tocolco, ‘humiliation,’ Oztotlan, ‘place of grottoes,’ Mizquiahuala, Teotzapotlan, ‘place of divine fruit,’ Iluicatepec, Papantla, ‘large-leaved grass,’ Tzompanco, ‘place of human bones,’ Apazco, ‘clay vessel,’ Atlicalaguian, ‘crevice in which rivulet escapes,’ Quauhtitlan, ‘eagle grove,’ Atzcapotzalco, ‘ant hill,’ Chalco, ‘place of precious stones,’ Pantitlan, ‘spinning-place,’ Tolpetlac, ‘rush mat,’ Quauhtepec, ‘eagle mountain,’ Tetepanco, ‘wall of many small stories,’ Chicomoztoc, ‘seven caves,’ Huitzquilocan, ‘place of thistles,’ Xaltepozauhcan, ‘place where the sand issues,’ Cozcaquauhco, ‘a vulture,’ Techcatitlan, ‘place of obsidian mirrors,’ Azcaxochitl, ‘ant flower,’ Tepetlapan, ‘place of tepetate,’ Apan, ‘place of water,’ Teozomaco, ‘place of divine apes,’ Chapultepec, ‘grasshopper hill.’”—Native Races, vol. v, p. 324, note.

[420] The following account is from Franc. Gemelli Carreri’s Voyage Round the World, Churchill’s Voyages, London, 1732, 6 vol. fol. (book iv, cap. iii), p. 485: “The ancient histories of Mexico make mention of a flood, in which all men and beasts perished, and only one man and woman were saved in a boat, which in their language they call Acalle. The man, according to the character by which his name is expressed, was called Cox-cox, and the woman Chichequetzal. This couple coming to the foot of the mountain, which, according to the picture, was named Culhuacan, went ashore, and there they had many children, all born dumb. When they multiplied to a great number, one day a pigeon came, and from the top of a tree gave them their speech, but not one of them understood the others’ language, and therefore they divided and dispersed, every one going to take possession of some country. Among these they reckoned fifteen heads of families who happened to speak the same language, joined together and went about to find some land to inhabit. When they had wandered one hundred and four years they came to the place they call Antlan, and continuing their journey thence, came first to the place called Capultepec, then to Culhuacan, and lastly to the place where Mexico now stands.”

[421] See communication in Garcia y Cubas’ Atlas Geografico, Estadistico e Histórico de la República Mejicana, April 1858, entrega 29, and Bancroft, iii, p. 68, note.

[422] We should be guilty of a fault if we were to convey the idea that no deluge legend other than this was current among the Aztecs. The Codex Chimalpopoca records a flood in which mankind were drowned and turned into fishes. In Mr. Bancroft’s graceful rendering we learn that “the waters and sky drew near each other; in a single day all was lost, the day Four Flower consumed all that there was of our flesh. And this was the year Ce-Calli; on the first day, Nahui-Atl, all was lost. The very mountains were swallowed up in the flood, and the waters remained, lying tranquil during fifty and two spring-times. But before the flood began, Titlacahuan had warned the man Nata and his wife Nena, saying: Make now no more pulque, but hollow out to yourselves a great cypress, into which you shall enter when, in the month Tozoztli, the waters shall near the sky. Then they entered into it, and when Titlacahuan had shut them in, he said to the man: Thou shalt eat but a single ear of maize, and thy wife but one also. And when they had finished eating, each an ear of maize, they prepared to set forth, for the waters remained tranquil and their log moved no longer; and opening it they began to see the fishes. Then they lit a fire by rubbing pieces of wood together and they roasted fish.” The account states that the deities then descended and transformed the fishes into dogs. (Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i, pp. 425–7. Bancroft, vol. iii, pp. 69, 70.) We cannot with gravity give the Tezpi legend preserved in Michoacan. If the reader will refer to the Mosaic account of the flood, he will only need to substitute the name of Tezpi for Noah, a vulture for the raven, and a humming-bird for the dove, and the Tezpi legend substantially will be before him. Of course the detail of the Mosaic account is wanting; nevertheless it is certain that the Tezpi legend is the product of the fancy of some over-zealous priest, who thought he could see a stricter analogy between the Nahua deluge tradition and the Scriptural account than really exists.

[423] Native Races, vol. v, p. 325.

[424] See note 1, page 261, this chapter.

[425] Bancroft, vol. v, p. 325.

[426] E. G. Squier in Notes on Cent. Am., p. 349, makes the following remark: “It is a significant fact, that in the map of their migrations, presented by Gemelli, the place of the origin of the Aztecs is designated by the sign of water (Atl standing for Atzlan), a pyramidal temple with grades, and near these a palm-tree. This circumstance did not escape the attention of the observant Humboldt, who says, ‘I am astonished at finding a palm-tree near this teocalli. This tree certainly does not indicate a northern origin.’” We might add that we are equally surprised that so generally able a writer as Mr. Squier should resort to so absolutely weak an argument. Sr. Ramirez has clearly explained that all the figures and their adjuncts are but hieroglyphic parts of proper names. The palm-tree no doubt plays its part. M. Waldeck (Voyage Pitt., p. 45) makes the same remark as Mr. Squier—that it indicates a southern origin. Gondra (Prescott’s Historia Conq. Mex., cited by Bancroft, vol. v, p. 306, note) replies that this may be a thoughtless insertion of the painter. The possibility that an unskillful artist should unintentionally represent a tree of which he had no knowledge is so great, that any argument dependent upon it hangs upon a slender thread. Over against Mr. Squier’s claim we desire to place the simple inquiry, Does the Elephant Mound of Wisconsin indicate that its constructors were natives of Asia, where the elephant is common, or that they lived in the epoch of the American Mastodon? It is well-known that the latter phase of the question could not be true, since the condition of the mound contradicts such great antiquity.

[427] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i, p. 245 et seq., states that a band of people came from the north by way of Panuco, dressed in long black robes; that they thence went to Tulla, where they were well received, but that region being already thickly populated, they went to Cholula. They were great artists, were skilled in working metals; with them was Quetzalcoatl, with a fair and ruddy complexion and a long beard. ‘He was their leader.’

[428] Mendieta, Hist. Ecl., pp. 82, 86, 92, 397–8; also cited by Bancroft, vol. iii, pp. 250–2, and Clavigero, Hist. Ant. Del. Messico, pp. 11–13.

[429] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i, lib. iii, p. 245, and Torquemada, tom. ii, p. 47 et seq., do not agree fully as to the details.

[430] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii, p. 47 et seq., and Sahagun, tom. i, chap. iii, p. 245 et seq.

[431] Ibid.

[432] Mendieta, Hist. Ecl., p. 82 et seq.

[433] Goatzacoalco, described as a province near the sea, one hundred and fifty leagues from Cholula (Torquemada, tom ii, pp. 48–52). The same author traces him to Yucatan and identifies him with Cukulcan. See preceding chapter.

[434] On a raft, according to Sahagun.

[435] See Müller, Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen, p. 599.

[436] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii, p. 50. In presenting these legends we have employed nearly the same language which we used in treating the same subject in an article entitled “Culture-Heroes of the Ancient Americans,” published in Appleton’s Journal for March 1877.

[437] See Bancroft, vol. v. p. 256, and the authorities cited.

[438] The sources of the Quetzalcoatl legends have been cited in connection with our version of the fables applying to the name. On the relation of Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl, the Toltec king, to the subject, see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii, lib. viii, p. 266, but especially see Bancroft, vol. v, p. 256 et seq., for a fuller account. The same author has treated the subject with an unprecedented fullness in his third volume, chap. vii. The able examination of Quetzalcoatl’s character by Müller, in his Geschichte d. Am. Urreligionen (pp. 577 et seq.), has been of great value to us in the preparation of this sketch.

[439] Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 404 et seq.

[440] Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents in Texas, New Mexico, California, Sonora, and Chihuahua. New York, 1854, vol. ii, pp. 348 et seq.

[441] Ensayo sobre Chihuahua, p. 74.

[442] Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 621 et seq.

[443] Published in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iv, tom. i, pp. 282 et seq., translated in Schoolcraft’s Hist. and Condition of Indian Tribes, vol. iii, pp. 300 et seq., and Bartlett’s Pers. Narrative, vol. ii, pp. 281–2. Quoted in Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 622–23.

[444] Bernal in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii, tom. iv, p. 804.

[445] Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii, tom. iv, p. 847, copied by Orosco y Berra, Geografia, pp. 108–10. Also cited by Bancroft.

[446] Pers. Narrative, vol. ii, pp. 278–80.

[447] Emory’s Reconnoissance, pp. 81–3.

[448] Johnston’s Journal in Ibid., pp. 567–600.

[449] Pers. Nar., pp. 271–284.

[450] Browne’s Apache Country, pp. 114–24.

[451] Coronado, on his trip from Culiacan to the “seven cities of Cibola” in 1540, saw a roofless building called Chichilticale, or “red house.” Castañeda says it was built of red earth and had formerly been occupied by people from Cíbola. This is of interest, especially since it is quite certain that the seven cities visited were identical with the Pueblo towns around old Zuñi on the Zuñi River in New Mexico (see Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 673–4, and Morgan in North American Review, April, 1869. The best treatment of Coronado’s march is by Simpson in Smithsonian Report, 1859, pp. 309 et seq. See further Castañeda, in Ternaux-campans, Voy., série i, tom. ix, pp. 40–1, 161–2. Gallatin in Am. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., vol. ii, and Whipple in Pac. R. R. Report, vol. iii.

[452] Relacion in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii, tom. iv, p. 847. Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, p. 634.

[453] Velarde in ibid., série iv, tom. i, p. 363, and Native Races, vol. iv, p. 634.

[454] Bartlett’s Pers. Nar., vol. ii, pp. 242–8. Johnston in Emory’s Reconnoissance, pp. 596–600. Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, p. 636.

[455] Whipple, Ewbank and Turner, in Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, pp. 14, 15.

[456] Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, p. 636.

[457] Whipple in Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, pp. 91–4.

[458] Emory’s Reconnoissance, pp. 63–9, 80, 133–4. Ibid., pp. 581–96. Bancroft, Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 638–9, has copied three plans.

[459] Native Races, vol. iv, p. 640.

[460] Whipple, Ewbank and Turner, in Pacific R. R. Report.

[461] First published in Scribner’s Monthly, vol. ix, Nos. 3, 4 and 5, for January, February and March, 1875.

[462] Cañons of the Colorado, in Scribner’s Monthly, vol. ix, p. 528. Powell’s Explorations of the Colorado River of the West. Washington. 1875. 4to.

[463] “It was ever a source of wonder to us why these ancient people sought such inaccessible places for their homes. They were doubtless an agricultural race, but there were no lands here of any considerable extent which they could have cultivated. To the west of Oraiby, and of the towns of the Province of Tusayan, in northern Arizona, the inhabitants have actually built little terraces along the face of the cliff, where a spring gushes out, and there made their site for gardens. It is possible that the ancient inhabitants of this place made their lands in the same way. But why should they seek such spots? Surely the country was not so crowded with population as to demand the utilization of a region like this. The only solution which suggests itself is this: We know that for a century or two after the settlement of Mexico, many expeditions were sent into the country now comprising Arizona and New Mexico for the purpose of bringing the town-building people under the dominion of the Spanish government. Many of their villages were destroyed, and the inhabitants fled to regions at that time unknown, and there are traditions among the people who now inhabit the pueblos which remain, that the cañons were these unknown lands. It may be that these buildings were erected at that time. Sure it is that they had a much more modern appearance than the ruins scattered over Nevada, Utah, Colorado, Arizona and New Mexico.”—Major Powell in Scribner, vol. ix, p. 525. Id., Explorations of the Colorado River of the West, pp. 87, 88.

[464] Cañons of the Colorado, in Scribner’s Monthly, vol. ix, p. 402; Powell’s Exploration of the Colorado River of the West, pp. 68–9. Major Powell on the 125th page of his report on the Colorado, gives a brief description of remains in a side cañon, a few miles from the great river.

[465] Sitgreaves’ Report, Zuñi and Colorado Rivers, pp. 8–9; Whipple, Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, pp. 46–50; Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 642–3.

[466] Whipple, Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, pp. 76–7.

[467] Sitgreaves, Zuñi Ex., p. 6; Whipple, in Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, pp. 39, 71; Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 645, 673.

[468] See authorities cited on page 281, note 1, of this chapter.

[469] See Whipple, in Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, p. 67, with beautiful full-page view. Simpson’s Jour. of Mil. Recon., pp. 90–3; Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 645, 667, 673.

[470] Whipple in Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, pp. 68, 70, 66, 40–8, views of old Zuñi, and sacred spring; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengebirge N. Am., tom. ii, pp. 196, 402; Id., Tagebuch, pp. 283–4, 278, with cut; Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 645–7, with cut.

[471] Möllhausen’s Journey, vol. ii, p. 82; Whipple et al., in Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, p. 39; Simpson’s Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 95–7; Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 647–8.

[472] Simpson’s Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 89–109, 60–1, 65–74, 100, with cuts, views and plans; Whipple, Ewbank and Turner, in Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, pp. 22, 52, 63–4; see also Möllhausen’s Tagebuch and Journey; Bancroft, vol. iv., pp. 645–50.

[473] In Simpson’s Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 131–3, and copied in a note by Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 657.

[474] See on Chaco ruins, Simpson’s Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 34–43, 131–3. Domenech’s Deserts, vol. i, pp. 199–200, 379–81, 385. Baldwin’s Anc. Am., pp. 86–9, cut; Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 652–62, which we have found of valuable assistance; especially see Ruins of the Chaco Cañon, examined in 1877, by W. H. Jackson, in Tenth Annual Report of U. S. Geol. Survey. Washington, 1879. Best account.

[475] Simpson’s Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 74–5, plates 53–4, copied by Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 652; also see Domenech’s Deserts, vol i, p. 201, and Annual Scienc. Discov., 1850, p. 362.

[476] W. H. Jackson in Bulletin of U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey of the Territories, 2d series, No. 1, Washington, 1875, and in the Annual Report of the same, Washington, 1876, pp. 369 et seq. A condensed though excellent account is furnished by Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 718 et seq. Also a condensed account by Prof. Edwin A. Barber in Congrès des Américanistes, Luxembourg, 1877. Seconde Session, tom. i, pp. 22–38. Also Ibid., The Ancient Pueblos, or Ruins of the Valley of the Rio San Juan. Parts I, II.

[477] Bulletin No. 1, vol. ii, pp. 11, 12.

[478] Published in Bulletin of the Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, vol. ii, No. 1. Washington, 1876. Mr. Bancroft’s account in the Native Races, necessarily terminates with the close of Mr. Jackson’s labors in 1874.

[479] See A Notice of the Ancient Ruins of South-western Colorado, examined during the summer of 1875, by W. H. Holmes, in Bulletin of the Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, vol. ii, No. 1. Washington, 1876.

[480] Ives’ Colorado River of the West, pp. 119–26, with plates. The same extract condensed into nearly the same form as above is given by Bancroft, Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 667–80.

[481] Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 662 et seq., and the authors cited therein.

[482] Native Races, vol. iv, p. 663, and Simpson’s Journal Mil. Recon., p. 114.

[483] I have carefully examined Father Escalante’s Diario in the MS. copy deposited in the Congressional Library at Washington, but find nothing to contradict the opinion of recent explorers. The reader will also see Dominguez and Escalante’s Diario y Derrotero Sante Fé à Monterey, 1776, in Doc. Hist. Mex. Serie ii, tom. i.

[484] Ninth Annual Report of Peabody Museum, p. 12. Cambridge, 1876.

[485] Eleventh Annual Report of Peabody Museum, Cambridge, 1878, pp. 198–200, 267–80.

[486] Smithsonian Report for 1872, pp. 413 et seq.; and this work, chapter I.

[487] The facts claimed in the following account are drawn from Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iii., pp. 171–74 and 175–7. Ward, in Ind. Aff. Report, 1864, pp. 192–3. Brinton’s Myths of the New World, p. 190. Ten Broeck in Schoolcraft’s History and Condition of the Indian Tribes, vol. iv, p. 73, and Tyler’s Primitive Culture, vol. ii, p. 384.

[488] Davidson, in Ind. Aff. Report, 1865, pp. 131–3, and Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iii, pp. 75–77.

[489] This feature of the legend is beautifully developed by Mr. Bancroft.

[490] In this account of Montezuma I have used, with few variations, the same language employed by me in treating the subject in an article entitled, “Culture-Heroes of the Ancient Americans,” published in Appleton’s Journal for March, 1877, pp. 275–6.

[491] Hindoo Mounds, see Squier’s observations on Dr. Westerman in Am. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., April, 1851; and Atwater, in Am. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., vol. i, pp. 196–267.

[492] Chief among whom are Dupaix, in Kingsborough’s Mexican Antiquities; Waldeck (exploration performed in 1832–3), Pub. 1866 fol.; Stevens and Catherwood in 1840; M. Morelet in 1846, and Charney in 1858; for best bibliographical treatment, see Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 289–294, note.

[493] Stephens, vol. ii, p. 310: Waldeck’s Palenqué, p. 2, and Brasseur in Ibid., p. 17; Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 300.

[494] Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 300–1.

[495] Waldeck’s Palenqué, pl. vii. See also Stephens, vol. ii, p. 310; Dupaix, pl. xi.; Kingsborough, vol. iv, pl. xiii; Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 307.

[496] Ibid., Native Races, vol. iv, p. 312.

[497] Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 303.

[498] Stephens, vol. ii, pp. 339–43, and Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 323–27.

[499] On the tower, see Waldeck’s Palenqué, p. iii, pl. xviii, xix. Morelet’s Voyage, tom. i, p. 266. Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 315, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i, pp. 86–7.

[500] Stephens’ Incidents of Travel in Yucatan. New York (1st ed. 1843, and others subsequently).

[501] Waldeck, Voyage Pittoresque et Archéologique dans la Province d’Yucatan, Paris, 1838, large fol., 22 illustrations. Norman, Rambles in Yucatan, New York, 1843, 8vo, illustrated. Baron von Friederichstal, Les Monuments de l’Yucatan, in Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, 1841, tom. xcii, pp. 297, 314. Charnay, Cités et Ruines Américaines, Paris, 1863, large folio. Of many general notices made up from these sources we consider Bancroft’s as the most critical and satisfactory. His note on the bibliography of the subject is also of interest.

[502] We have followed the measurements of Stephens; seeming to us most accurate. (See Yucatan, vol. i, p. 165 et seq.) Norman, Charnay and Waldeck all differ in their measurements. Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 154–5 has given a good condensation of the description.

[503] Yucatan, vol. i, p. 175. Reproduced in Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 156, and Baldwin, Anc. America, p. 132.

[504] Yucatan, vol. i, p. 174. Reproduced by Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 160, and Baldwin, Anc. America, p. 132.

[505] Stephens’ Yucatan, vol. i, p. 301. Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 176–7. Baldwin’s Anc. America, p. 136.

[506] Waldeck reports that a turtle was sculptured upon each of the blocks of the pavement. See Voy. Pitt., pl. xii, where four are figured. Stephens, however, found no traces of them. See Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 175.

[507] Stephens’ Yucatan, vol. i, p. 313. Waldeck’s Voy. Pitt., pp. 95–6, pl. ix, x, xi. Stephens’ Cent. Amer., vol. ii, pp. 425 et seq. Charnay’s Ruines Americ., pp. 70 et seq. Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 192 et seq.

[508] Stephens’ Yucatan, vol. i, p. 397, view of Kabah edifice. See a sectional view in Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 207.

[509] D’abord j’ai été frappé de la ressemblance qu’offrent ces étranges figures des édifices mayas avec la tête de l’éléphant. Cet appendice, placé entre deux yeux et depassant la bouche de presque toute la longueur, m’a semblé ne pouvoir être autre chose que l’image de la trompe d’un proboscidian, car le museau charnu et saillant du tapir n’est pas de cette longueur.—Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 74, pl. xiv, xv. Also Humboldt, Vues, ed. 1810, p. 92.

[510] Stephens’ Yucatan, vol. ii, pp. 311–17; Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 230–36, with plans and cuts from Stephens’ and Baldwin’s Anc. Amer., p. 140.

[511] Yucatan, vol. i, pp. 130–9; Baldwin, Anc. Amer., p. 129.

[512] Stephens’ Yucatan, vol. ii, pp. 387 et seq.; Bancroft, vol iv, pp. 254–9.

[513] The original accounts furnished by actual explorers of Copan are as follows: 1st, by the Licenciado Diego García de Palacio, who prepared an account of his duties and their performance, for the king, Felipe II of Spain, dated March 8, 1576, and preserved in the Muñoz collection of MSS. The account has been published several times, at least once in the United States, in Palacio, Carta Dirijida al Rey, Albany, 1860, and translated into English by E. G. Squier; 2d, an account by Fuentes y Guzman, in a MS. dated 1689. However, so much as related to Copan was published in 1808 in Juarros, Compendio de la Hist. de la Ciudad de Guatemala, trans. in English in 1823; 3d, by Col. Juan Galindo, an officer in Central American service (explorations made in 1835), published communication in Am. Antiq. Soc. Trans., vol. ii, pp. 545–50, and in Antiq. Mex., tom. i, div. ii, pp. 73, 76; 4th, Stephens and Catherwood in 1839, published in Incidents and Travels in Central America, vol. i, pp, 95–160. New York, 1841.

После описания Стивенсом эти руины посещали два или три человека, однако широкая публика не смогла воспользоваться плодами их изысканий, поскольку, насколько нам известно, со времен Стивенса о Копане ничего не публиковалось. Брассер де Бурбур, посетивший руины в 1863 и 1866 годах, подтверждает абсолютную точность описаний и иллюстраций в труде Стивенса и Катервуда. Значительное число заметок о Копане было составлено разными авторами на основе этих источников. Последняя и лучшая из таких заметок принадлежит перу г-на Бронкрофта («Коренные расы», т. iv, стр. 77–105), из библиографической сноски которого мы отчасти почерпнули приведенные выше факты.

[514] Juarros, Hist. Guat., pp. 56–7; Stephens’ Central America, vol. i, p. 144, and Bancroft, Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 82–3.

[515] Stephens’ Central America, vol. ii, pp. 171, 182–8, and Bancroft, Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 124–8.

[516] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i, p. 15, and cited by Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 131.

[517] The only comprehensive and satisfactory treatment of the entire field in detail is that by Mr. Bancroft, Native Races, chaps. vii, viii, ix, x.

[518] Dupaix, Third Expedition, pp. 6–7, pl. iii–v, fig. 6–9; Kingsborough, Mex. Ant., vol. vi, p. 469, and Mayer’s Observations on Mexican History and Archæology, pp. 25–6, and cuts (Smithsonian contribution, No. 86), 1856; Bancroft, Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 368–71, with cuts.

[519] Reisen, tom. ii, p. 282, and Bancroft, Native Races, vol. iv, p. 375.

[520] Dupaix, Seconde Expédition, published in Kingsborough, vol. v, pp. 255–68, vol. vi, pp. 447–56, vol. iv, pl. xxvii–xli, fig. 81–95, and in Antiq. Mex.; Seconde Expédition, pp. 30–44, pl. xxix–xlvi, figs. 78–93.; Charnay, Cités et Ruines Américaines, pp. 261–9, photographs ii–xviii, and Viollet-le-Duc in Ibid., pp. 74–104; Humboldt obtained his information and plates from the survey and drawings of Don Luis Martin and Col. de la Laguna, who visited the ruins in 1802; see Vues, tom. ii, pp. 278–85, pl. xvii–xviii, and in his other works on the same subject. The remaining original works are Mühlenpfordt in the Ilustracion Mejicana, tom. ii, pp. 493–8; Tempsky’s Mitla, pp. 250–3, with plates; Garcia, in Soc. Mex. Georg. Boletin, tom. ii, pp. 271–2; Sawkins in Mayer’s Observations; Fossey in his Mexique, pp. 365–70, and Müller, Reisen, tom. ii, pp. 279–81. We might append a large number of notices made second-hand from the above, but as they contain nothing original we omit them, and refer the reader who is desirous of examining them, to Bancroft’s note in Native Races, vol. iv. p. 391. Our examination of the subject has been confined to the accounts of Dupaix, Humboldt, and Charnay, together with Mr. Bancroft’s critical review of the field. From the latter we draw some of our bibliographical material.

[521] Charnay, Mexique, Phot. iv; also Cités et Ruines Amér., Phot. v, vi. Other views in Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 396–405.

[522] Fossey, Mexique, p. 367, finds twenty-two different styles of grecques in this front, while Mühlenpfordt gives cuts of sixteen different styles in Ilustracion Mej., tom. ii, p. 501.

[523] See full discussion by Viollet le Duc in Charnay’s Ruines Amér., pp. 78–9.

[524] Charnay, phot. x. Mr. Bancroft was not ignorant of this error. Tempsky’s plate served as the guide for Baldwin’s cut.

[525] Dupaix, Seconde Exped., pp. 40–1, pl. xliv–v, fig. 93–4. Kingsborough, vol. v, p. 265; vol. vi, p. 455; vol. iv, pl. xl–i, fig. 95, and Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, p. 413.

[526] See especially a communication from Mr. Hugo Finck, for twenty-eight years a resident of the region, published in the Smithsonian Report for 1870, an extract from which is published in Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 431–3.

[527] Sr. Gondra received considerable information concerning these ruins from some unnamed person, which he published in Mosaico Mexicano, tom. ii, pp. 368–72.

[528] Bancroft, Native Races, vol. iv, p. 442. This author has given quite a full description of the fortification, and two plates.

[529] Dupaix’s First Expedition, pp. 8–9, pl. ix–xi, fig. 9–12; Kingsborough, vol. v, pp. 215–16; vol. vi, pp. 425–6, pl. v–vi, fig. 11–15; an account in Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 368–72 and cut.

[530] Nebel, Viaje Pintoresco y Arqueolójico sobre la República Mejicana, 1829–34, Paris, 1839, fol.; Mayer’s Mex. Aztec, vol. ii, pp. 199–200; Ibid., Mexico As it Was, pp. 247–8, and Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 47, 55–8, with two illustrations. We have cited Nebel from the latter.

[531] The original describers of Papantla are Diego Ruiz, in Gaceta de Mexico, July 12, 1785, tom. i, pp. 349–51, copied in Diccionario Univ. Geog., tom x, pp. 120–1; also Nebel, Viaje Pintoresco. Humboldt states that Dupaix and Castañeda visited the locality, but they published no description, his own description may have been from information received from them; Vues, tom. i, pp. 102–3; Ibid., Essai Pol., p. 274; Ibid., in Ant. Mex., tom. i, div. ii, p. 12. Of the many descriptions drawn from these sources, those of Mayer, Mex. Aztec, vol. ii, pp. 196–7; Ibid., Mexico As it Was, pp. 248–9, and Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 452–4, with cut from Nebel, are probably the best.

[532] Of a large number of notices of Cholula, the most important of the original class are those of Humboldt, Essai Pol., pp. 239–40; Ibid., Vues, tom. i, pp. 96–124, fol. 2d, pl. vii–viii; Dupaix’s First Expedition, p. 2, pl. xvi, fig. 17, and Kingsborough, vol. v, p. 218, vol. iv, pl. viii, fig. 20; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii, pl. 33–4; Mayer, Mexico As it Was, p. 26, and Mex. Aztec, etc., vol. ii, p. 328, cuts. For most recent reference, though not very scientific, see Evens’ Our Sister Republic, pp. 428–32 (1869), and Haven’s Mexico, Our Next Door Neighbor, pp. 109–202, 1875. Mr. Bancroft has given a short, though satisfactory notice, especially valuable for its citation of authorities. In a note (11) vol. iv, p. 471–2, a full list of the authors who have written on Cholula will be found, Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 469–77.

[533] Reisen, pp. 131–2.

[534] Heller, Reisen, pp. 131–2, cited by Bancroft, Native Races, vol. iv, p. 473.

[535] Exploration performed in 1777, and account published in Gaceta de Literatura, November, 1791, also tom. ii, p. 127 of the same.

[536] Copied the proceedings to a considerable extent in Vues, tom. i, pp. 129–37, pl. ix, and in Essai Pol., pp. 189–90.

[537] Dupaix’s First Expedition, pp. 14–18, pl. xxxi–ii, figs. 33–6; Kingsborough, vol. v, pp. 222–4, vol. iv, pl. xv–vi.

[538] Nebel, Viaje Pintoresco, pl. ix–x, xix–xx.

[539] The Government exploration report in Revista Mexicana, tom. i, pp. 539–50, and in Deccionario Univ. Geog., tom. x, pp. 938–42; Mayer’s Mexico As It Was, pp. 185–7; Ibid., Mex. Aztec, etc., vol. ii, pp. 283–5, with cuts; Tylor’s Anáhuac, pp. 183–95. To these original accounts many compiled notices might be added. Mr. Bancroft’s critical review of the sources, supplemented with full bibliographical notes, is valuable and should receive the attention of the reader. See Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 483–98, with several cuts after Nebel. We have found this writer’s summary of facts of great service in making up the following description.

[540] The vandalic destruction of this Acropolis of Mexican architecture is due to the vulgar cupidity of a neighboring sugar manufacturer, who despoiled it in order to build the furnaces of his refinery.

[541] See Tylor, Anahuac, p. 149, and on the subject in hand.

[542] See Prescott, book iv, caps. i, ii, vol. ii, Kirk’s ed. of 1875, pp. 100–51.

[543] See chapter vi, p. 248, this work.

[544] Almaraz, Apuntes sobre las Pirámides de San Juan Teotihuacan. Mexico, 1864.

[545] Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 529–44, and a good bibliographical note on p. 530.

[546] Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, p. 533. On page 548, the same author in a note translates the following interesting passage from Sr. Garcia y Cubas: “The pyramids of Teotihuacan, as they exist to day, are not in their primitive state. There is now a mass of loose stones whose interstices covered with vegetable earth have caused to spring up the multitude of plants and flowers with which the faces of the pyramids are now covered. This mass of stones differs from the plan of construction followed in the body of the monuments and besides the falling of these stones, which has taken place chiefly on the eastern face of the Moon, has laid bare an inclined plane perfectly smooth, which seems to be the true face of the pyramid. This isolated observation would not give so much force to my argument if it were not accompanied by the same circumstances in all the monuments.” This inner smooth surface has an inclination of 47°, differing from the angle of the outer faces. Sr. Garcia y Cubas, conjectures that the Toltecs, the descendants of the civilized architects of these monuments, fearing that they would be despoiled by the savages who followed them, covered up their sacred places with the outer coatings described. See Appendix.

[547] Quemada was at first mentioned by early writers as one of the stations in the Aztec migration. Captain Lyon published in his Journal, vol. i. pp. 225–44, the result of explorations performed by him at Los Edificios in 1826. Another report was made by Sr. Esparza from data furnished him by Pedro Rivera in 1830, which appeared in Esparza’s Informe presentado al Gobierno, pp. 56–8, and Museo Mex., tom. i, pp. 185 et seq. Herr Berghes made a pretty good survey of the ruins in 1831: his observations were published by Nebel. Herr Burkart, a companion of Berghes, published a description in his Aufenthalt und Reisen in Mexico, tom. ii, pp. 97–105. Nebel published his observations in his Viaje. Several authors have made up notices from these sources without adding any original information. A list of these, as well as those given above, may be found in Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 578–9.

[548] Stephens’ Central America, vol. ii, pp. 438 et seq.

[549] Viollet-le-Duc in Charnay’s Cités et Ruines, Introduct., pp. 28 et seq.

[550] Garcia y Cubas, Ensayo de un Estudio comparativo entre las Pirámides Egípcias y Mexicanas; Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 543–4, and vol. v, pp. 55–6. See Appendix.

[551] Delafield, Inquiry into the Origin of American Antiquities, pp. 57–61. 1839. 4to.

[552] Mexique, pp. 274–5. Leipzig, 1843.

[553] Historical Researches, p. 355.

[554] See further, Clavigero, Storia del Messico, tom. iv, pp. 19–20; Jones, Hist. Anc. Amer., p. 122; Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 474; Prescott, Mex., tom. iii, p. 407; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i, p. 265; Tylor’s Early History, p. 206.

[555] Humboldt, Vues, p. 92 (fol. ed., 1810), considers that this people was originally from Asia and preserved some remembrance of the elephant, or that in their traditions they had accounts of the mammoth of the American continent.

[556] Waldeck, p. v, pl. xii, xiii. Stephens, Cent. Am., vol ii, pp. 311, 116–17. Dupaix, pp. 20, 37, 75–6, pl. xiv–xxii. Kingsborough, vol. iv, pl. xxvi. Bancroft, Native Races, vol iv, pp. 304–6.

[557] Waldeck’s Palenqué, pl. xiv, xv, shows both groups. Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 313. Dupaix, pl. xxiii–iv.

[558] Waldeck, pl. xiv.

[559] Waldeck, pl. xvii. Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 317–18. Stephens, vol. ii, p. 318. Morelet, p. 97.

[560] Waldeck’s Palenqué, p. iii, pl. 42. Dupaix, pl. xxxiii, Fig. 37. Kingsborough, pl. xxxv, fig. 37. Stephens, vol. ii, p. 355. Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 328–30.

[561] Waldeck, p. vii, pl. xxi–ii. Stephens, vol. ii, pp. 345–7. Charnay, p. 419, pl. xxi. Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 332–6. Especially see Rau’s Palenque Tablet (Smithsonian Contrib., No. 331), for the best account of Tablet of the Cross.

[562] Waldeck, pl. 23–24; Stephens, vol. ii, p. 352; Dupaix, p. 24, pl. xxxvii–viii; mention in Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 332–3.

[563] Waldeck, pl. 25; Stephens, vol. ii, pp. 344, 349; Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 336–7, with cut.

[564] Waldeck, pl. xxvi–xxxii; Stephens, vol. ii, pp. 351–4; Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 338–41.

[565] Plates, Waldeck’s Voy. Pitt., pl. xv–xvii; Charnay’s photographs have attested the accuracy of Waldeck’s drawings; Waldeck’s views reproduced in Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 182–3.

[566] Stephens’ Yuc., vol. i, p. 306; Waldeck’s pl. xvi; also see Charnay’s phot. 39; Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 182–4; Viollet-le-Duc’s drawing in Charnay, p. 65.

[567] Cut from Waldeck’s Voy. Pitt., pl. xiii–xviii and p. 100; reproduced by Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 185, of which ours is an electrotype copy. See also Stephens’ Yucatan, vol. i, pp. 302–3; Charnay, Ruines Amer., phot. 40, 41, 44; Norman’s Rambles in Yucatan, p. 162.

[568] Stephens’ Yucatan, vol. ii, pp. 303–11; Charnay’s Ruines Amér., pp. 140–1, phot. 33, 34; Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 220–36.

[569] Mr. Salisbury, with the most liberal courtesy, has furnished the heliotypes and photos from which the accompanying engravings were made. We take this opportunity of expressing publicly our thanks for this rare favor.

[570] Archæological Communication on Yucatan, by Dr. Le Plongeon in Salisbury’s Maya Archæology, p. 65, and Proceedings of Am. Antiq. Soc., October 21, 1878.

[571] Maya Archæology, p. 61.

[572] Ibid., p. 62.

[573] See Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, lib. iv, cap. 8, and Herrera, Hist. Gen. Ind., decade ii, lib. iv, cap. 17, quoted by Salisbury, Maya Archæology, pp. 33–35.

[574] See Terra-cotta Figure from Isla Mugeres, by Stephen Salisbury, Jr., in Maya Archæology (heliotypes).

[575] Stephens, Cent. Amer., vol. i, pp. 103–4, 134–43 with plates; Foster, Pre-Historic Races, pp. 302–322, 338–9; Galindo in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Trans., vol. ii, pp. 548–9; Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 89–105, with cuts.

[576] Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 371, 381, 385, 387, 414, 415, 421, 427, 428, 435, 436, 455, 457, 462, has figured some of these, but all indicate an order of art inferior to the Maya.

[577] Nebel, Viaje Pintoresco; Mayer’s Mex. Aztec, vol. ii, pp. 199, 200; Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 457–8.

[578] Vetch, in London Geog. Soc. Jour., vol. vii, pp. 1–11, plate; Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 462.

[579] Dupaix, Third Expedition, p. 5, pl. i–ii; Ibid., First Expedition, pp. 3–4, pl. i–ii, fig. 1, 2; p. 10, pl. xii; pp. 12–13, pl. xvii–xxii, fig. 19, 24; Second Expedition, p. 51, pl. lxi, fig. 117; Kingsborough, vol. v, pp. 285–6; vol. iv, pl. i–ii, fig. 1–3; vol. vi, p. 467; vol. v, pp. 209–10; vol. vi, pp. 421–2; vol. iv, pl. i, fig. 1–4; vol. v, p. 217; vol. iv, p. vi, fig. 16, and Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 467–69.

[580] Dupaix, First Expedition, p. 14; Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 481.

[581] This work, p. 372.

[582] Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 499, has reproduced some of them.

[583] Humboldt, Vues, tom. i, pp. 332 et seq.; tom. ii, pp. 1 et seq. and 84–5, pl. viii, (fol. ed. pl. xxiii); Mayer, Mexico As it Was, pp. 126–8; Prescott, Conq. Mex., vol. i, pp. 126, 145–6; vol. ii, pp. 112, ed. 1875; Bancroft, vol. iv. pp. 505–9, and cut.

[584] Humboldt, Vues, tom. ii, pp. 148–61 (fol. ed., pl. xxix); Ibid., Antiq. Mex., tom. i, div. ii, pp. 25–7, suppl. pl. vi; Nebel, Viaje, with large plate; Mayer, Mex. Aztec, vol. i, pp. 108–11; Ibid., Mexico As it Was, pp. 109–14; Bullock’s Mexico, pp. 337–42; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt. i, pp. 1–3, 9, 10, 34, and five plates latterly cited by Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 512–15, four plates.

[585] Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 517; Mayer, Mexico As it Was, pl. 100–1; Ibid., Mex. Aztec, vol. ii, p. 274.

[586] Waldeck’s Palenqué, pl. 55.

[587] Waldeck’s Palenqué, p. viii, pl. xliv. Tylor’s Anahuac, pp. 110, 337, for information concerning the masks. Also Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 557–9.

[588] Smithsonian Contribution, No. 287, pp. 82–7 (1876).

[589] Hist. Kingdom Guatemala, p. 19. Lond., 1823.

[590] F. Giordan, Description et colonization de l’Isthme de Tehuantepec, p. 57. Paris, 1838.

[591] Melgar in Mex. Geog. Soc. Bolletin, 2d época, tom. iii, p. 112 et seq.

[592] Dr. Max Uhlmann, Handbuch der gesamten Ægyptischen Alterthumskunde, I Theil. Geschichte der Egyptologie, p. 108. Leipzig, 1857.

[593] Botta, Mon. de Ninive, vol. ii, pl. 58, and Edinburgh Review for Jan. 1870, p. 231.

[594] John Newton in Appendix to Inman’s Ancient Pagan and Modern Christian Symbolism, p. 116. London, 1874.

[595] Saturn, lib. i, cap. 20.

[596] Zoeckler, Das Kreutz Christi, p. 9, Güterslo, 1875, and Edinburgh Review, Jan. 1870, p. 232.

[597] Mr. Bancroft remarks, “He happens, however, here to have selected two Egyptian subjects which almost find their counterparts in America. In the preceding volume of this work, page 333, is given a cut of what is called the ‘Tablet of the Cross’ at Palenque. In this we see a cross and perched upon it a bird, to which (or to the cross) two human figures in profile, apparently priests, are making an offering. In Mr. Stephens’ representation from the Vocal Memnon we find almost the same thing, the differences being, that instead of an ornamented Latin cross, we have here a crux commissa, or patibulata; that instead of one bird there are two, not on the cross but immediately above it, and that the figures, though in profile and holding the same general positions, are dressed in a different manner, and are apparently binding the cross with the lotus instead of making an offering to it; in Mr. Stephens’ representation from the obelisk of Carnac, however, a priest is evidently making an offering to a large bird perched upon an altar; and here again the human figures occupy the same position. The hieroglyphics, though the characters are of course different, are, it will be noticed, disposed upon the stone in much the same manner. The frontispiece of Stephens’ Cent. Amer., vol. ii, described on p. 352, represents the tablet, on the back wall of the altar, Casa No. 3 at Palenque. Once more here are two priests clad in all the elaborate insignia of their office, standing one on either side of a table or altar, upon which are erected two batons, crossed in such a manner as to form a crux decussata, and supporting a hideous mask. To this emblem they are making an offering.”—Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. v, pp. 60–1, note.

[598] W. H. Holmes in Bulletin of the Geog. and Geol. Survey of the Territories, Vol. II, No. I, p. 20, Pl. 11 and 12.

[599] Landa, Relacion, p. 44. Villagutierre, Conq.Itza, pp. 393–4. Bancroft, vol. ii, p. 768.

[600] Relacion, p. 316.

[601] Peter Martyr, Dec. iv, lib. viii. Bancroft, vol. ii, pp. 769–70.

[602] Stephens’ Cent. Amer., vol. ii, pp. 342, 453–5.

[603] Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. ii, p. 780. Brasseur’s admission will be found in the Bibliothéque Mexico-Guatemalienne, Paris, 1871, p. xxvii. The translation, prefaced with 136 quarto pages devoted to a consideration of the Maya characters, is published under the title, MS. Troano: Etudes sur le systéme graphique et la langue des Mayas. Paris, 1869–70. 4to, 2 vols., 70 colored plates.

[604] Bancroft, vol. ii, p. 773, plate, p. 774.

[605] The original of Landa’s explanation is as follows: “De sus letras porne aqui un a, b, c, que no permite su pesadumbre mas porque usan para todas las aspiraciones de las letras de un caracter, y despues, al puntar de las partes otro, y assi viene a hazer in infinitum, como se podra ver en el siguiente exemplo: Lé, quiere dezir laço y caçar con el; para escrivirle con sus carateres, haviendoles nosotros hecho entender que son dos letras, lo escrivian ellos con tres, puniendo a la aspiracion de la l la vocale é que antes de si trae, y en esto no hierran. aunque usense, si quisieren ellos de su curiosidad, exemplo: e L e Lé. Despues al cabo le pegan la parte junta. Ha que quiere dezir agua, porque la haché tiene a, h, antes de si la ponen ellos al prinicipio con a, y al cabo deste manera, ha. Tambien lo escriven a partes pero de la una y otra manera, yo no pusiera aqui ni tratara dello sino por dar cuenta enters de las cosas desta gente. Ma in kati quiere dezir no quiero, ellos lo escriven a partes desta manera: ma i n ka ti.”—Landa, Relacion, p. 318, translated by Bancroft, Native Races, vol. ii, p. 778.

[606] Relacion, p. 322.

[607] Bollaert, Examination of Central American Hieroglyphs, in Memoirs of Anthropological Soc. of London, vol. iii, pp. 288–314. London, 1870.

[608] Charencey, Essai de Déchiffrement d’un fragment d’inscription palenquéenne, in Actes de la Société Philologique, tom. i. March, 1870.

[609] Rosny, Essai sur le Déchiffrement de L’Écriture Hiératique de L’Amérique Centrale, Paris, 1876, folio, with large colored plates and fac-similes. In three parts, two of which only have as yet appeared (Oct. 1878). The author informs me (Feb. 1879) that a fourth part will be required to complete the work.

[610] Bollaert in Memoirs of Anthropol. Soc. of London, vol. iii, p. 298.

[611] Ibid., p. 301.

[612] Ibid., p. 307.

[613] See a review of these attempts in Rosny’s Essai, pp. 12–13, and remarks on Charencey in Appendix D of Baldwin’s Ancient America.

[614] Examination of Cent. Am. Hier., p. 306.

[615] The Ancient Phonetic Alphabet of Yucatan, p. 6, N. Y., 1870, cited by Rosny, Essai, p. 25.

[616] Essai, p. 26; Rosny cites Bancroft’s opinion to the same effect, Native Races, vol. ii, p. 782.

[617] Native Races, vol. ii, pp. 529–33.

[618] Native Races, vol. ii, p. 537.

[619] Gemelli Carreri, Humboldt, Kingsborough, Ramirez in Garcia y Cubas, and Bancroft; see this work, chapter vi, p. 262.

[620] Vol. ii, pp. 544–5.

[621] Mex. Antiq., vol. i, pl. lxi; explanation, vol. v, pp. 96–7; Bancroft, vol. ii, pp. 538–40.

[622] Delafield, Antiq. of Am., pp. 42–7. M. Ed. Madier de Montjau has recently added much to our understanding of Aztec picture-writing in his Chronologie hieroglyphico-phonétic des rois Aztèques de 1352–1522 retrouvée dans diverses mappes américaines antiques, expliquée et précédée d’une introduction sur l’Écriture mexicaine. A valuable article on the same subject is found in the Congrès des Américanistes, Luxembourg, 1877, tom. ii, pp. 346–362, by M. l’Abbé Jules Pipart, entitled Eléments phonétiques dans les Ecritures figuratives des anciens Mexicains.

[623] An excellent account of the various collections of Aztec picture-writing will be found in the introduction to Domenech’s Manuscrit Pictographique, Paris, 1860, 8vo; a book which would be valueless but for that feature. See also account of M. Aubun’s collection in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i, pp. lxxvi–lxxviii. For general description of hieroglyphic principles see Tylor, Researches, pp. 89–101, and Humboldt, Vues, tom. i, pp. 177–9, 162–202. See also Boturini, Idea de una Hist., pp. 5, 77, 87, 96, 112, 116. Prescott, Conq. Mex. (Kirk’s ed., 1875), vol. i, pp. 94, 99, 107–9. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii, pp. 187–94. Mendoza, in Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, 2d época, tom. i, pp. 896–904. Gallatin in Amer. Ethno. Soc. Transact., vol. i, pp. 126, 165–69. Kingsborough’s Mex. Ant., vol. vi, p. 87, and Ixtlilxochitl’s Hist. Chich. in Kingsborough, vol. ix, p. 201. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i, p. 149. Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. ii, pp. 521–52.