...«Во второй половине дня 13 февраля Гордон собрал всех влиятельных людей провинции и показал им секретный ферман. Чтение этого документа вызвало всеобщее волнение, но в то же время его смысл был встречен, судя по всему, с большим удовлетворением. Стоит отметить, что все нотаблы, присутствовавшие на этой встрече, впоследствии связали свою судьбу с Махди». — Генри Уильям Гордон, «События из жизни Чарльза Джорджа Гордона», стр. 340. 103.Wingate, p. 110.104.Lord Hartington, House of Commons, May 13, 1884. An admirable speech, and the best defence of ministers up to this date.105.Address to the electors of Midlothian, September 17, 1885.106.See the official History of the Soudan Campaign, by Colonel Colvile, Part 1. pp. 45-9.107.February 27, 1885.108.Colvile, II., Appendix 47, p. 274. Apart from the authority of Kitchener, Gordon's own language shows that he knew himself to be in extremis by the end of December.109.The story that he went to the theatre the same night is untrue.110. Belford's Magazine (New York), Sept. 1890. A French translation of this letter will be found in L'Égypte et ses Provinces Perdues, by the recipient, Colonel C. Chaillé-Long Bey (1892), pp. 196-7. He was chief of the staff to Gordon in the Soudan, and consular-agent for the United States at Alexandria. Another book of his, published in 1884, is The Three Prophets; Chinese Gordon, El Mahdi, and Arabi Pasha. Burton reviewed Gordon's Khartoum Journals, Academy, June 11, 1885.111.Above, p. 166.112.For the censure, 288; against, 302.113.I often tried to persuade him that our retreat was to be explained apart from pusillanimity, but he would not listen.114.See Appendix.115.For instance when Mr. Gladstone fell from office in 1874, Lord Odo Russell wrote to him, “how sorry I feel at your retirement, and how grateful I am to you for the great advantage and encouragement I have enjoyed while serving under your great administration, in Rome and Berlin.”116.“We do not depart in any degree from the policy of leaving the Soudan. As to the civilisation which the noble and gallant earl [Lord Dundonald] would impose upon us the duty of restoring, it could only be carried out by a large and costly expedition, entailing enormous sacrifice of blood and treasure, and for the present a continuous expenditure, which I do not think the people of this country would sanction.... The defence of our retention of Suakin is that it is a very serious obstacle to the renewal and the conduct of that slave trade which is always trying to pass over from Africa into Asia. I do not think that the retention of Suakin is of any advantage to the Egyptian government. If I were to speak purely from the point of view of that government's own interest, I should say, ‘Abandon Suakin at once.’ ”—Lord Salisbury, in the House of Lords, March 16, 1888.117.Above, vol. ii. p. 49.118.Edinburgh, March 17, 1880.119.In the letter to Mr. Bright (July 14, 1882) already given, Mr. Gladstone went somewhat nearer to the Manchester school, and expressed his agreement with Bright in believing most wars to have been sad errors.120.West Calder, November 17, 1885.121.May 20, 1885.122.The story was told by Lord R. Churchill in a speech at Sheffield, Sept 4, 1885.123.Mr. McCarthy's speech at Hull, Dec. 15, 1887.124.Duke of Argyll, July 10, 1885.125.As the reader will remember (vol. i. pp. 436-440), on Dec. 16, 1852, Mr. Disraeli's motion for imposing a house duty of a shilling in the pound was rejected by 305 to 286. Mr. Gladstone also referred to the case of the expulsion of the whigs by Peel. On May 13, 1841, after eight nights' debate, the government were defeated by a majority of 36 on their budget proposals in regard to sugar. Ministers not resigning, Sir Robert Peel moved a vote of want of confidence on May 27, which was carried by a majority of 1 (312-311), June 4, 1841. Parliament thereupon was dissolved.126.Memo. by Mr. Gladstone, on a sheet of notepaper, June 20, 1885.127.Mr. Gladstone was reminded by a colleague that when Sir Robert Peel resumed office in 1845, at the request of the Queen, he did so before and without consultation with his colleagues. In the end they all, excepting Lord Stanley, supported him.128.June 25, 1885.129.The correspondence with the Queen up to June 21 was read by Mr. Gladstone in the House of Commons on June 24, and Lord Salisbury made his statement in the House of Lords on the next day. Mr. Gladstone told the House of Commons that he omitted one or two sentences from one of his letters, as having hardly any bearing on the real points of the correspondence. The omitted sentences related to the Afghan frontier, and the state of the negotiations with Russia.130.This proceeding was so unusual as to be almost without a precedent. Lord Mulgrave had addressed the House of Lords in 1837, and Lord Clarendon in 1850. But on each of these occasions the viceroy's administration had been the object of vigorous attack, and no one but the viceroy himself was capable of making an effective parliamentary defence.131.July 6, 1885. Hans. 298, p. 1659.132.Sir M. H. Beach, July 17, 1885. Hans. 299, p. 1085.133.Hans. 299, p. 1098.134.Ibid. p. 1119.135.In The Contemporary Review, October 1885, p. 491.136.See Spectator, Sept. 26, 1885.137.Mr. Chamberlain has been good enough to read these two letters, and he assents to their substantial accuracy, with a demurrer on two or three points, justly observing that anybody reporting a very long and varied conversation is almost certain, however scrupulous in intention, to insert in places what were thoughts much in his own mind, rather than words actually spoken. In inserting these two letters, it may tend to prevent controversy if we print such corrective hints as are desired.138.In connection with a local government bill for small holdings and allotments, subsequently passed.139.He suggested, for instance, the appointment of a committee.140.Mr. Chamberlain puts it that he proposed to exclude home rule as impossible, and to offer a local government bill which he thought that Parnell might accept. Mr. Gladstone's statement that he and his visitor were “pretty well agreed” on Ireland, cannot mean therefore that the visitor was in favour of home rule.141.This is not remembered.142.“Some misunderstanding here.”143.That is, in his seventy-sixth year.144.This episode was first mentioned in the House of Commons, June 7, 1886. Lord Carnarvon explained in the Lords, June 10. Mr. Parnell replied in a letter to the Times, June 12. He revived the subject in the House of Commons, Feb. 13, 1888, and Lord Carnarvon explained a second time in the Lords on May 3. On Lord Carnarvon's first explanation, the Duke of Argyll, while placing the utmost reliance on his personal honour and accuracy, “felt bound to observe that the statement did not appear to be complete, for he had omitted to explain what the nature of the communication [with Mr. Parnell] absolutely was.” Neither then nor two years later was the omission made good. Curiously enough on the first occasion Lord Carnarvon did not even mention that Lord Salisbury in any way shared his responsibility for the interview, and in fact his language pointed the other way. What remains is his asseveration, supported by Lord Salisbury, that he had made no formal bargain with Mr. Parnell, and gave him no sort of promise, assurance, or pledge. This is not only entirely credible, it is certain; for the only body that could carry out such a promise had not been consulted. “I may at least say this of what went on outside the cabinet—that I had no communication on the subject, no authorisation, and that I never communicated to them even that which I had done.”—Hansard, 306, p. 1258.145.E.g. Hans. 306, pp. 1181, 1199.146.Letter to the Times, June 12, 1886.147.Hans. 332, p. 336.148.August 24, 1885.149.Lord Hartington at Waterfoot, August 29.150.June 17, 1885.151.Warrington, September 8.152.Life of Childers, ii. p. 230.153.Sept. 18, 1885.154.Nov. 9, 1885.155.Midlothian Speeches, p. 49.156.Ibid. p. 39.157.Some of them are set out in Special Commission Report, pp. 99, 100.158.See Mr. Gladstone upon these tactics in his fifth Midlothian speech, Nov. 24, 1885. Also in the seventh, Nov. 28, pp. 159-60.159.Nineteenth Century, November 1885; reprinted in Later Gleanings.160.Speech in the Free Assembly Hall, Nov. 11, 1885.161.November 26, 1885.162.Результат всеобщих выборов 1885 года: —
Боро и университеты Англии и Уэльса: 93 либерала, 86 консерваторов, 1 гомрулер. Столица: 26, 36, 0. Графства Англии и Уэльса: 152, 101, 0. Боро Шотландии: 30, 3, 0. Графства Шотландии: 32, 7, 0. Ирландия: 0, 18, 85. Итого: 333 либерала, 251 консерватор, 86 гомрулеров.
Следующие цифры также могут представить интерес: —
Выборы 1868 года —
English and Welsh Liberals, 267
Tories, 225
Majority, 42
В 1880 году —
English and Welsh Liberals, 284
Tories, 205
Majority, 79
В 1885 году —
English and Welsh Liberals, 270
Tories, 223
Majority, 47
163.Mr. Chamberlain at Leicester, December 3, 1885.164.Macknight's Ulster as it Is, ii. p. 108.165.Mr. Forster, March 11, 1881.166.Lord Salisbury, at a dinner given in London to the four conservative members for Hertfordshire, February 17, 1886.167.Special Aspects of the Irish Question, p. 18.168.These statements first appeared in the Leeds Mercury and the Standard on Dec. 17, and in a communication from the National Press Agency issued on the night of Dec. 16. They were not published in the Times and other London morning papers until Dec. 18. Mr. Gladstone's telegram was printed in the evening papers on Dec. 17.169.Speech on the Address, January 21, 1886.170.At the Birmingham Reform Club, Dec. 17, 1885.171.Correspondence between Lord Salisbury and Lord Carnarvon, Times, Jan. 16, 1886.172.Hans. 302, pp. 1929-1993, March 4, 1886. See also Lord Randolph Churchill at Paddington, Feb. 13, 1886.173.Maxwell's Life of W. H. Smith, ii. p. 163.174.If this seems hyperbole, let the reader remember an entry in Macaulay's diary: “I have now finished reading again most of Burke's works. Admirable! The greatest man since Milton.” Trevelyan's Life, ii. p. 377.175.In 1833 the King's Speech represented the state of Ireland in words that might be used at the present time, and expressed confidence that parliament would entrust the King with “such additional powers as may be necessary for punishing the disturbers of the public peace and for preserving and strengthening the legislative union between the two countries, which with your support and under the blessing of divine Providence I am determined to maintain by all the means in my power.” The Address in answer assured his Majesty that his confidence should not be disappointed, and that “we shall be ready to entrust to H.M. such additional measures, etc., for preserving and strengthening the legislative union which we have determined,” etc. This was the address that Mr. O'Connell denounced as a “bloody and brutal address,” and he moved as an amendment that the House do resolve itself into a committee of the whole House to consider of an humble address to his Majesty. Feb. 8. Amendment negatived, Ayes being 428, Noes 40.—Memo. by Sir T. E. May for Mr. Gladstone, Jan. 18, 1886. O'Connell, that is to say, did not move an amendment in favour of repeal, but proposed the consideration of the Address in committee of the whole House.176.Hans. 302, p. 128.177.Lord Carnarvon left Ireland on Jan. 28, and Lord Justices were then appointed. But the lawyers seem to hold that there cannot be Lord Justices without a viceroy, and Lord Carnarvon was therefore technically viceroy out of the kingdom (of Ireland), until Lord Aberdeen was sworn in upon Feb. 10, 1886. He must, accordingly, have signed the minute appointing Mr. Smith chief secretary, though of course Mr. Smith had gone over to reverse the Carnarvon policy.178.Hans. 302, p. 112.179.Mr. Gladstone was often taunted with having got in upon the question of allotments, and then throwing the agricultural labourer overboard. “The proposition,” he said, “is not only untrue but ridiculous. If true, it would prove that Lord Grey in 1830 came in upon the pension list, and Lord Derby in 1852 on the militia.... For myself, I may say personally that I made my public declaration on behalf of allotments in 1832, when Mr. Jesse Collings was just born.”—To Mr. C. A. Fyffe, May 6, 1890.180.Diary.181.“When the matter was finally adjusted by Chamberlain's retirement, we had against us—Derby, Northbrook, Carlingford, Selborne, Dodson, Chamberlain, Hartington, Trevelyan, Bright; and for—Granville, Spencer, Kimberley, Ripon, Rosebery, Harcourt, Childers, Lefevre, Dilke (unavailable).” Mr. Goschen was not in the cabinet of 1880.182.A few weeks later, Lord Hartington said on the point of Mr. Gladstone's consistency: “When I look back to the declarations that Mr. Gladstone made in parliament, which have not been infrequent; when I look back to the increased definiteness given to these declarations in his address to the electors of Midlothian and in his Midlothian speeches; when I consider all these things, I feel that I have not, and that no one has, any right to complain of the declaration that Mr. Gladstone has recently made.”—Speech at the Eighty Club, March 5, 1886.183.Hans. 304, p. 1106.184.January 30, 1886. Hans. 304, p. 1185.185.As for the story of my being concerned in Mr. Gladstone's conversion to home rule, it is, of course, pure moonshine. I only glance at it because in politics people are ready to believe anything. At the general election of 1880, I had declined to support home rule. In the press, however, I had strenuously opposed the Forster Coercion bill of the following winter, as involving a radical misapprehension of the nature and magnitude of the case. In the course of that controversy, arguments pressed themselves forward which led much further than mere resistance to the policy of coercion. Without having had the advantage of any communication whatever with Mr. Gladstone upon Irish subjects for some years before, I had still pointed out to my constituents at Newcastle in the previous November, that there was nothing in Mr. Gladstone's electoral manifesto to prevent him from proposing a colonial plan for Ireland, and I had expressed my own conviction that this was the right direction in which to look. A few days before the fall of the tory government, I had advocated the exclusion of Irish members from Westminster, and the production of measures dealing with the land.—Speech at Chelmsford, January 7, 1886.186.Кабинет министров в окончательном составе выглядел следующим образом: —
Мистер Гладстон, первый лорд казначейства. Лорд Хершелл, лорд-канцлер. Лорд Спенсер, председатель Совета. Сэр В. Харкорт, канцлер казначейства. Мистер Чилдерс, министр внутренних дел. Лорд Росебери, министр иностранных дел. Лорд Гренвилл, министр по делам колоний. Лорд Кимберли, министр по делам Индии. Мистер Кэмпбелл-Баннерман, военный министр. Лорд Рипон, первый лорд Адмиралтейства. Мистер Чемберлен, министр местного самоуправления. Мистер Морли, министр по делам Ирландии. Мистер Тревельян, министр по делам Шотландии. Мистер Манделла, председатель Торговой палаты.
Лорд-канцлер, мистер К.-Баннерман, мистер Манделла и я теперь заседали в кабинете министров впервые. После двух отставок в конце марта мистер Стансфелд вошел в состав кабинета в качестве главы ведомства местного самоуправления, и мы сидели за столом в зловещем количестве тринадцати человек. 187.See Mr. Chamberlain's speech, June 1, 1886. Hans. 306, p. 677. Also Lord Hartington at Bradford, May 18, 1886.188.June 1, 1833. Hans. 18, p. 186.189.June 13, 1833. Ibid. p. 700.190.May 14, 1833. Hans. 17, p. 1230.191.There is also the case of the Reform bill of 1867. Disraeli laid thirteen resolutions on the table. Lowe and Bright both agreed in urging that the resolutions should be dropped and the bill at once printed. A meeting of liberal members at Mr. Gladstone's house unanimously resolved to support an amendment setting aside the resolutions. Disraeli at once abandoned them.192.Lord Hartington's argument on the second reading shows how a resolution would have fared. Hans. 305, p. 610.193.Hans. 304, p. 1116.194.Hans. 304, p. 1190.195.Faint hopes were nourished that Mr. Bright might be induced to join, but there was unfortunately no ground for them. Mr. Whitbread was invited, but preferred to lend staunch and important support outside. Lord Dalhousie, one of the truest hearts that ever was attracted to public life, too early lost to his country, took the Scottish secretaryship, not in the cabinet.196.See Appendix.197.First reading, April 13. Motion made for second reading and amendment, May 10. Land bill introduced and first reading, April 16.198.April 9, May 10.199.Hans. 304, pp. 1204-6.200.Hans. 306, p. 697.201.Hans. 304, p. 1202.202.May 15, 1886.203.See for instance, Irish Times, May 8, and Belfast Newsletter, May 17, 18, 21, 1886.204.Hans. 304, p. 1134. Also 305, p. 1252.205.When the bill was practically settled, he asked if he might have a draft of the main provisions, for communication to half a dozen of his confidential colleagues. After some demur, the Irish secretary consented, warning him of the damaging consequences of any premature divulgation. The draft was duly returned, and not a word leaked out. Some time afterwards Mr. Parnell recalled the incident to me. “Three of the men to whom I showed the draft were newspaper men, and they were poor men, and any newspaper would have given them a thousand pounds for it. No very wonderful virtue, you may say. But how many of your House of Commons would believe it?”206.For this point, see the Times report of the famous proceedings in Committee-room Fifteen, collected in the volume entitled The Parnellite Split (1891).207.Letter to Mr. T. H. Bolton, M.P. Times, May 8, 1886.208.Hans. 306, p. 698.209.Hans. 306, p. 1218.210.In the end exactly 93 liberals did vote against the bill.211.Hans. 306, p. 322.212.He was returned without opposition.213.On the Irish Question.—“The History of an Idea and the Lesson of the Elections,” a fifty-page pamphlet prepared before leaving England.214.Speaker, Jan. 1, 1890.215.Conversations of Döllinger. By L. von Köbell, pp. 100, 102.216.Nineteenth Century, January 1887. See also speech at Hawarden, on the Queen's Reign, August 30, 1887. The reader will remember Mr. Gladstone's contrast between poet and active statesman at Kirkwall in 1883.217.Robert Elsmere: the Battle of Belief (1888). Republished from the Nineteenth Century in Later Gleanings, 1898.218.May 2, 1888.219.See vol. i. p. 423.220.Sir W. Harcourt, Mr. Chamberlain, Lord Herschell, Sir George Trevelyan, and myself.221.See speeches at Hawick, Jan. 22, and at Birmingham, Jan. 29, 1887.222.Baptist article, in Times, Feb. 25, 1887.223.If anybody should ever wish further to disinter the history of this fruitless episode, he will find all the details in a speech by Sir William Harcourt at Derby, Feb, 27, 1889. See also Sir G. O. Trevelyan, Times, July 26, 1887, Mr. Chamberlain's letter to Mr. Evelyn Ashley, Times, July 29, 1887, and a speech of my own at Wolverhampton, April 19, 1887.224.Hans. 309, Sept. 21, 1886.225.See United Ireland, Oct. 23, 1886.226.Lord Randolph had encouraged a plan of campaign in Ulster against home rule.227.Speech at the Memorial Hall, July 29, 1887.228.Report, p. 8, sect. 15.229.Freeman, Jan. 1887.230.Questions 16, 473-5.231.Hans. August 19, 1886.232.Ibid. 313, March 22, 1887.233.Ibid. 312, April 22, 1887.234.Speech on Criminal Law Amendment (Ireland) bill, March 29, 1887.235.This vital feature of the bill was discussed in the report stage, on a motion limiting the operation of the Act to three years. June 27, 1887. Hans. 316, p. 1013. The clause was rejected by 180 to 119, or a majority of 61.236.See Palles, C. B., in Walsh's case. Judgments of Superior Courts in cases under the Criminal Law and Procedure Amendment Act, 1887, p. 110.237.On September 9, 1887.238.Sept. 12, 1887. Hans. 321, p. 327.239.Dec. 3, 1888. Hans. 331, p. 916.240.May 8, 1888.241.Tablet, Jan. 5, 1889.242.Iliad, x. 317. See Homer and Homeric Age, iii. 467 n.243.House of Lords, August 10, 1888.244.Вот текст этого некогда знаменитого документа: —