«Золотая ветвь: Исследование магии и религии (Том IX: Варрава)»

Дж. А. Маккаллох в «Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics» д-ра Дж. Гастингса, т. III (Эдинбург, 1910), стр. 78 и сл. Сравните С. де Риччи, «Le calendrier Gaulois de Coligny», Revue Celtique, т. XIX (1898), стр. 213-223; его же, «Le calendrier Celtique de Coligny», Revue Celtique, т. XXI (1900), стр. 10-27; его же, «Un passage remarquable du calendrier de Coligny», Revue Celtique, т. XXIV (1903), стр. 313-316; Дж. Лот, «L'année Celtique», Revue Celtique, т. XXV (1904), стр. 113-162; сэр Джон Рис, «The Coligny Calendar», Proceedings of the British Academy, 1909-1910, стр. 207 и сл. В том виде, в каком календарь существует, количество дней в обычном году составляет 355, а не 354, причем семь месяцев имеют тридцать дней, а пять из них — двадцать девять дней. Но к месяцу Equos прикреплен знак ANM, который прикреплен ко всем месяцам из двадцати девяти дней, но ни к одному из месяцев из тридцати дней, кроме Equos, все из которых, кроме Equos, помечены знаком MAT. Следовательно, следуя предложению М. С. де Риччи (Revue Celtique, т. XXI, 25), я предполагаю, что месяц Equos имел регулярно двадцать девять дней вместо тридцати и что приписывание ему тридцати дней является ошибкой писца или каменщика, который выгравировал календарь.

В календаре Колиньи летнее солнцестояние, по-видимому, отмечено словом «trinouxtion», прикрепленным к семнадцатому дню первого месяца (Samonios, почти эквивалентного нашему июню). Как интерпретировал сэр Джон Рис (op. cit., стр. 217), слово означает «период из трех ночей равной длины». Если он прав, то из этого следует, что кельты, составившие календарь, наблюдали летнее солнцестояние.

783. J. A. MacCulloch, in Dr. J. Hastings's Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, iii. 79. Compare Sir J. Rhys, “The Coligny Calendar,” Proceedings of the British Academy, 1909-1910, pp. 292 sq. 784. We know from Livy (xxii. i. 19 sq.) that the Saturnalia was celebrated in December as early as the year 217 b.c.; and in his learned discussion of the proper date of the festival the antiquary Macrobius gives no hint that it ever fell at any other time than in December (Saturnal. i. 10). It would be a mistake to infer from Livy's account of the Saturnalia in the year 217 b.c. that he supposed the festival to have been first instituted in that year; for elsewhere (ii. 21. 1) he tells us that it was established at the time when the temple of Saturn was dedicated, namely in the year 497 b.c. Macrobius (Saturn. i. 8. 1) refers the institution of the Saturnalia to King Tullus Hostilius. More probably the festival was of immemorial antiquity. 785. Macrobius, Sat. i. 12. 7; Solinus, i. 35, p. 13 ed. Th. Mommsen (Berlin, 1864); Joannes Lydus, De Mensibus, iii. 15. On the other hand, we know that the ceremony of renewing the laurels, which originally took place on the first of March, was long afterwards transferred to the first of January. See Ovid, Fasti, iii. 135 sqq., and Macrobius, Saturn. i. 12. 6, compared with Geoponica, xi. 2. 6, where the note of the commentator Niclas may be consulted. This transference is strictly analogous to the change which I conjecture to have been made in the date of celebrating the Saturnalia. 786. Palladius, De re rustica, books iii. and iv. passim. 787. The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 137-139. 788. The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 136-144, ii. 97 sqq. 789. Compare C. Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico (London, 1903), ii. 268: “To the Huichol so closely are corn, deer, and hikuli associated that by consuming the broth of the deer-meat and the hikuli they think the same effect is produced—namely, making the corn grow. Therefore when clearing the fields they eat hikuli before starting the day's work.” 790. The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 104 sqq. The Indians of Santiago Tepehuacan abstain from flesh, eggs, and grease while they are engaged in sowing cotton and chilis, because they believe that were they to partake of these viands at that time, the blossoms would fall and the crop would suffer. See “Lettre du curé de Santiago Tepehuacan à son évêque sur les mœurs et coutumes des Indiens,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), Deuxième Série, ii. (1834) p. 181. 791. In Franche-Comté not only husbands and wives were expected to be continent from the first Sunday of Lent to the first Sunday after Easter, but even sweethearts separated during that time, bidding each other a formal farewell on the first of these days and meeting again with similar formality on the last. See C. Beauquier, Les Mois en Franche-Comté (Paris, 1900), p. 35. I am informed that the observance of chastity during Lent is enjoined generally by the Catholic church. As to its injunction by the Coptic church see F. Wüstenfeld, Macrizi's Geschichte der Copten (Göttingen, 1845), p. 84; Il Fetha Nagast, o Legislazione dei Re, codice ecclesiastico e civile di Abissinia, tradotto e annotato da Ignazio Guidi (Rome, 1899), p. 164. 792. Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica, v. 22; Sozomenus, Historia Ecclesiastica, vii. 19 (Migne, Patrologia Graeca, lxvii. coll. 632-636, 1477); W. Smith and S. Cheetham, Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, s.v. “Lent,” vol. ii. pp. 972 sq.; Mgr. L. Duchesne, Origines du Culte Chrétien (Paris, 1903), pp. 241-243. 793. Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 27. 794. Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 69: καὶ γὰρ Ἀθήνῃσι νηστεύουσιν αἱ γυναῖκες ἐν θεσμοφορίοις χαμαὶ καθήμεναι, καὶ Βοιωτοὶ τὰ τῆς Ἀχαιᾶς μέγαρα κινοῦσιν, ἐπαχθῆ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐκείνην ὀνομάζοντες, ὡς διὰ τὴν τῆς Κόρης κάθοδον ἐν ἄχει τῆς Δήμητρος οὕσης. Ἔστι δὲ ὁ μὴν οὗτος περὶ πλειάδα σπόριμος, ὂν Ἀθὺρ Αἰγύπτιοι, Πυανεψιῶνα δ᾽ Ἀθηναῖοι, Βοιωτοὶ δὲ Δαμάτριον καλοῦσι. As to the festival and the rule of chastity observed at it, see further Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 116, ii. 17 sq. 795. H. Fielding, The Soul of a People (London, 1898), pp. 172 sq. The orthodox explanation of the custom is that during these three months the Buddha retired to a monastery. But “the custom was far older even than that—so old that we do not know how it arose. Its origin is lost in the mists of far-away time.” Compare C. J. F. S. Forbes, British Burma (London, 1878), pp. 170 sq.; Shway Yoe, The Burman, his Life and Notions (London, 1882), i. 257, 262 sqq. 796. Athenaeus, xiv. 44 sq., pp. 639 B-640 a. 797. Macrobius, Saturn. i. 7. 37 and i. 10. 22; Demosthenes, Or. xxiv. 26, p. 708. As to the temple of Cronus and Rhea, see Pausanias, i. 18. 7; Im. Bekker's Anecdota Graeca (Berlin, 1814-1821), i. p. 273, lines 20 sq. That the Attic month Hecatombaeon was formerly called Cronius is mentioned by Plutarch (Theseus, 12). Other Greek states, including Samos, Amorgos, Perinthus, and Patmos, had a month called Cronion, that is, the month of Cronus, which seems to have coincided with June or July. See G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum2 (Leipsic, 1898-1901), Nos. 644 and 645; E. Bischoff, “De fastis Graecorum antiquioribus,” Leipziger Studien für classischen Philologie, vii. (1884) p. 400. At Magnesia on the Maeander the month of Cronion was the time of sowing (Dittenberger, op. cit. No. 553, lines 15 sq.), which cannot have fallen in the height of summer. Compare Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 8. 798. Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum, iii. No. 77; Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques (Brussels, 1900), No. 692, pp. 595 sq.; I. de Prott et L. Ziehen, Leges Graecorum Sacrae, i. (Leipsic, 1896), No. 3, pp. 7 sq.; E. S. Roberts and E. A. Gardner, Introduction to Greek Epigraphy, Part II. (Cambridge, 1905), No. 142, pp. 387 sq. From the same inscription we learn that cakes with twelve knobs were offered to other deities, including Apollo and Artemis, Zeus, Poseidon, and Hercules. 799. Scholiast on Hesiod, Works and Days, 370 (p. 170 ed. E. Vollbehr, Kiel, 1844): Καὶ ἐν τοῖς πατρίοις ἐστιν ἑορτὴ Πιθοιγία, καθ᾽ ἣν οὒτε οἰκέτην οὔτε μισθωτὸν εἴργειν τῆς ἀπολαύσεως τοῦ οἴνου θεμιτὸν ἦν, ἀλλὰ θύσαντας πᾶσι μεταδιδόναι τοῦ δώρου τοῦ Διονύσου. As to the festival of the opening of the wine-jars see August Mommsen, Heortologie (Leipsic, 1864), pp. 349 sqq.; id., Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 384 sqq. “When the slaves,” says Plutarch, “feast at the Cronia or go about celebrating the festival of Dionysus in the country, the shouts they raise and the tumult they make in their rude merriment are intolerable” (Non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epicurum, 26). That the original festival of Cronus fell at Athens in Anthesterion is the view of Aug. Mommsen (Heortologie, pp. 22, 79; Feste der Stadt Athen, p. 402). 800. Pausanias, vi. 20. 1. Compare Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 34. The magistrates called “kings” (βασίλαι) by Pausanias are doubtless identical with “the kings” (τοὶ βασιλᾶες) mentioned in a law of Elis, which was found inscribed on a bronze plate at Olympia. See H. Roehl, Inscriptiones Graecae Antiquissimae (Berlin, 1882), No. 112, p. 39; C. Cauer, Delectus Inscriptionum Graecarum propter dialectum memorabilium2 (Leipsic, 1883), No. 253, p. 175; H. Collitz, Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften, No. 1152 (vol. i. Göttingen, 1884, p. 321); Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, No. 195, p. 179. 801. See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 44 sqq., ii. 177, 361. 802. Hesiod, Works and Days, 111, 169; Plato, Politicus, p. 269 a; Diodorus Siculus, iii. 61, v. 66; Julian, Epistola ad Themistium, p. 258 c (pp. 334 sq., ed. F. C. Hertlein, Leipsic, 1875-1876); “Anonymi Chronologica,” printed in L. Dindorf's edition of J. Malalas (Bonn, 1831), p. 17. See further M. Mayer's article “Kronos,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. (Leipsic, 1890-1897) col. 1458. 803. See M. Mayer, op. cit. ii. 1501 sqq. 804. Pausanias, vi. 20. 4 sq. 805. Plato, Republic, ix. p. 565 d e; pseudo-Plato, Minos, p. 315 c; Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 81; Pausanias, viii. 2 and 38; Porphyry, De abstinentia, ii. 27; Augustine, De civitate Dei, xviii. 17. The suggestion that Lycaean Zeus may have been merely a successor of Cronus is due to my friend Professor W. Ridgeway. 806. Porphyry, De abstinentia, ii. 54. 807. The Dying God, pp. 161 sqq. 808. The Dying God, pp. 113 sqq. 809. Athenaeus, xiv. 44, p. 639 c; Dio Chrysostom, Or. iv. 69 sq. (vol. i. p. 76 ed. L. Dindorf, Leipsic, 1857). From Athenaeus we learn that the festival was described or mentioned by Berosus in his first book and by Ctesias in his second. 810. Strabo, xi. 8. 5, p. 512. 811. Strabo, xi. 14. 16, pp. 532 sq.; Ed. Meyer's article “Anaitis,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. (Leipsic, 1884-1890) pp. 330 sqq. 812. By A. H. Sayce, Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (London and Edinburgh, 1887), p. 68; Bruno Meissner, “Zur Entstehungsgeschichte des Purimfestes,” Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, l. (1896) pp. 296-301; H. Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen, Zweite Reihe, ii. Heft 3 (Leipsic, 1900), p. 345; C. Brockelmann, “Wesen und Ursprung des Eponymats in Assyrien,” Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, xvi. (1902) pp. 391 sq. 813. P. Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier (Strasburg, 1890), pp. 84 sqq.; H. Zimmern, “Zur Frage nach dem Ursprunge des Purimfestes,” Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, xi. (1891) pp. 159 sqq.; A. Jeremias, s.v. “Marduk,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexicon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 2347 sq.; M. Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (Boston, U.S.A., 1898), pp. 186, 677 sqq.; R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Literature (New York, 1901), pp. 136 sq., 137, 140, 149; C. Brocklemann, “Wesen und Ursprung des Eponymats in Assyrien,” Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, xvi. (1902) pp. 391 sqq.; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament3 (Berlin, 1902), pp. 370 sq., 374, 384 n.4, 402, 514 sqq.; id., “Zum Babylonischen Neujahrsfest,” Berichte über die Verhandlungen der königlich Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch-historische Klasse, lviii. (1906) pp. 126-156; M. J. Lagrange, Études sur les Religions Sémitiques2 (Paris, 1905); pp. 285 sqq. King Gudea is thought to have flourished about 2340 b.c. See Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1909) pp. 488 sq. As to the ceremony of grasping the hands of Marduk's image, see also C. F. Lehmann (-Haupt), Šamaššumukin, König von Babylonien (Leipsic, 1892), pp. 50 sqq.; Sir G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, iii. Les Empires (Paris, 1899). pp. 381 sq. 814. On this subject the Master of St. Catharine's College, Cambridge (the Rev. C. H. W. Johns), has kindly furnished me with the following note: “ZAG is the name of the ideogram meaning ‘head or beginning.’ MU is the sign for ‘year.’ When put together ZAG-MU means ‘beginning of year.’ But ZAG-MU-KU means ZAG MU-d, i.e. ZAG with MU suffixed. Therefore it is the name of the ideogram, and there is as yet no proof that it was ever read Zakmuk. Hence any similarity of sound with either Sacaea or Zoganes is precarious. I cannot prove that the signs were never read Zakmuku, but that is not a Semitic word nor a Sumerian word.” 815. The statement occurs in an inscription of Nebuchadnezzar. See P. Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier, p. 85; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 402. The title of the president of the divine synod, “king of the gods of heaven and earth,” is believed by Professor Zimmern to have originally referred to the god Nabu, though at a later time it was applied to Marduk. 816. See The Dying God, p. 116 note 1. In Egypt the Macedonian calendar seems to have fallen into great confusion. See W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae (Leipsic, 1903-1905), ii. pp. 649 sq. I would remind the reader that while the dates of the Syro-Macedonian months varied in different places, their order was the same everywhere. 817. See above, p. 355, note 5. On the other hand Prof. H. Zimmern prefers to suppose that the Sacaea was quite distinct from Zakmuk, and that it fell in July at the time of the heliacal rising of Sirius, which seems to have been associated with the goddess Ishtar. See H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament3 (Berlin, 1902), pp. 426 sq. 818. Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. “Year,” vol. iv. (London, 1903) coll. 5365 sqq. 819. The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 59 sqq. 820. The Golden Bough, Second Edition, iii. 237 sqq. 821. J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung2 (Leipsic, 1885), pp. 200 sq. 822. H. Zimmern, “Zur Frage nach dem Ursprunge des Purimfestes,” Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, xi. (1891) pp. 157-169; W. Nowack, Lehrbuch der hebräischen Archäologie (Freiburg i. B. and Leipsic, 1894), ii. 198 sqq.; Br. Meissner, “Zur Entstehungsgeschichte des Purimfestes,” Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, l. (1896) pp. 296-301; Fr. Cumont, “Le roi des Saturnales,” Revue de Philologie, xxi. (1897) p. 150; P. Haupt, Purim (Leipsic, 1906). The various theories which have been propounded as to the origin of Purim are stated and discussed by Prof. L. B. Paton in his Commentary on the Book of Esther (Edinburgh, 1908), pp. 77-94. See also Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. “Purim,” vol. iii. (London, 1902) coll. 3976 sqq. 823. S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament8 (Edinburgh, 1909), p. 484. Professor T. Witton Davies would date the book about 130 b.c. See Ezra, Nehemiah and Esther, edited by Rev. T. Witton Davies (Edinburgh and London, n.d.), pp. 299-301 (The Century Bible). 824. 2 Maccabees xv. 36. As to the date of this book, see S. R. Driver, op. cit. p. 481. 825. We know from Josephus (Antiquit. iii. 10. 5) that in the month Nisan, the first month of the Jewish year, the sun was in Aries. Now the sun is in Aries from March 20th or 21st to April 19th or 20th; hence Nisan answers approximately to April, and Adar to March. 826. Esther iii. 7. 827. Esther iii. 7, ix. 26. 828. This is the view of H. Zimmern (Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, xi. (1891) pp. 157 sqq.), and it is favoured by W. Nowack (Lehrbuch der hebräischen Archäologie, ii. 198 sq.). Compare H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 518. 829. P. Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier, pp. 240 sq. 830. The explanation is that of P. Jensen, quoted by Th. Nöldeke in Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. “Esther,” vol. ii. (London, 1901) col. 1404 note 1. In Greek, for a similar reason, the word for “pebble” and “vote” is identical (ψῆφος). As to this etymology see also C. H. W. Johns, s.v. “Purim,” Encyclopaedia Biblica, iii. (London, 1902) coll. 3979 sq. 831. Esther x. 22. 832. J. Buxtorf, Synagoga Judaica (Bâle, 1661), pp. 554 sq., 559 sq. 833. J. Buxtorf, op. cit. p. 559; Schickard, quoted by Lagarde, “Purim,” Abhandlungen der kön. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, xxxiv. (1887) pp. 54 sq. Compare J. Chr. G. Bodenschatz, Kirchliche Verfassung der heutigen Juden (Erlangen, 1748), ii. 256. For the rule forbidding men and women to exchange garments, see Deuteronomy xxii. 5. 834. J. J. Schudt, Jüdische Merkwürdigkeiten (Frankfort and Leipsic, 1714), ii. Theil, pp. 309, 314, 316, iv. Theiles die ii. Continuation, p. 347; I. Abrahams, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages (London, 1896), pp. 261 sqq. I have to thank my learned friend Dr. S. Schechter for bringing both these works to my notice. 835.

П. Йенсен, «Elamitische Eigennamen», Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, т. VI (1892), стр. 47-70; сравните там же, стр. 209-212. Все этимологии Йенсена приняты В. Новаком («Lehrbuch der hebräischen Archäologie», Фрайбург в Брайсгау и Лейпциг, 1894, т. II, 199 и сл.); Г. Гункелем («Schöpfung und Chaos», Геттинген, 1895, стр. 310 и сл.); Д. Г. Вильдебуром (в его комментарии к Есфири, стр. 173 и сл., составляющем часть «Kurzer Hand-Commentar zum alten Testament» К. Марти, Фрайбург в Брайсгау, 1898); Т. Нёльдеке (s.v. «Esther», Encyclopaedia Biblica, т. II, кол. 1404 и сл.); и Г. Циммерном (в «Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament» Э. Шрадера, 3-е изд., Берлин, 1902, стр. 485, 516 и сл.). С другой стороны, Бр. Мейсснер (Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, т. I (1896), стр. 301) и М. Ястров («The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria», стр. 686, примечание 2) воздерживаются от суждения относительно идентификации Амана и Астинь с эламскими божествами, хотя, по-видимому, считают идентификацию Мордехая и Есфири с Мардуком и Иштар вполне достоверной. Сомнение, которое эти ученые испытывали относительно происхождения по крайней мере одного из этих имен (Астинь), теперь известно как вполне обоснованное. См. ниже, стр. 367, примечание 3.

Заслуживает внимания тот факт, что двадцать седьмого числа месяца Таммуз язычники Харрана имели обыкновение приносить в жертву девять баранов Аману, «верховному Богу, отцу богов», и в этот день они ели и пили. Хвольсон предлагает сравнение этого праздника с афинскими Крониями. См. Д. Хвольсон, «Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus» (Санкт-Петербург, 1856), т. II, 27 и сл., 211 и сл.

836. Th. Nöldeke, s.v. “Esther,” in Encyclopaedia Biblica, vol. ii. (London, 1901) coll. 1405. But in a letter, written to me (20th May 1901) since the publication of the last edition of this book, Professor Nöldeke expresses a doubt whether he has not followed Jensen's mythological identifications in the book of Esther too far. 837. “The change of m to w or v (the Hebrew ו = waw) is frequent and certain” (the Rev. C. H. W. Johns in a letter to me, May 19th, 1913). The change is vouched for also by my friend Professor A. A. Bevan, who cites as an instance the name of the Babylonian king Amel-Marduk, which in Hebrew is changed into Evil-Merodach (2 Kings xxv. 27; Jeremiah lii. 31). See E. Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 396. 838. The name of the Elamite goddess is read as Parti by the Rev. Father Scheil. See E. Cosquin, Le Prologue-cadre des Mille et Une Nuits, les Légendes Perses, et le Livre d'Esther (Paris, 1909), p. 68 (extract from the Revue Biblique Internationale, Janvier et Avril, 1909, published by the Dominicans of Jerusalem). The Master of St. Catharine's College, Cambridge (the Rev. C. H. W. Johns), has kindly examined the facsimile of the inscriptions for me. He informs me that Father Scheil's reading is correct and that the reading Mashti is quite wrong. He further tells me that Jensen was misled by an incorrect edition of the inscriptions to which alone he had access. The signs for par (or bar) and mash in the inscriptions resemble each other and therefore might easily be confused by a copyist. All Jensen's etymologies, except that of Mordecai, are adversely criticized by M. Emile Cosquin in the work to which I have referred (pp. 67 sqq.). He prefers with Oppert to derive all the names except Mordecai (the identity of which with Marduk he does not dispute) from the old Persian. However, these derivations from the Persian are rejected by Professor Th. Nöldeke, whose opinion on such a point is entitled to carry great weight. See Encyclopaedia Biblica, ii. (London, 1901) col. 1402, s.v. “Esther.” 839. F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. (Bonn, 1841) pp. 490 sq.; 2 Samuel xvi. 21 sq., compare xii. 8. It was a well-attested custom of the Assyrian kings, when they had conquered a city, to take into their harem the daughters of the vanquished princes and rulers. See C. F. Lehmann (-Haupt), Šamaššumutkîn König von Babylonien (Leipsic, 1892), p. 31. The Persian and Scythian kings seem also to have married the wives of their predecessors. See Herodotus, iii. 68 and 88, iv. 78; K. Neumann, Die Hellenen im Skythenlande, i. (Berlin, 1855) p. 301. Such a custom points to an old system of mother-kin under which the royal dignity was transmitted through women. See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 268 sqq. 840. Ed. Meyer, s.v. “Anaitis,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. (Leipsic, 1884-1890) coll. 352 sq. At the temple of Anaitis in Acilisena, a city of Armenia, the daughters of the noblest families regularly prostituted themselves for a long time before marriage (Strabo, xi. 14. 16, p. 532). Agathias identified Anaitis with Aphrodite (Hist. ii. 24), and when the Greeks spoke of the Oriental Aphrodite, they meant Astarte or one of her equivalents. Jensen proposes to identify Anaitis with an Elamite goddess Nahuntí, whom he takes to have been equivalent to Ishtar or Astarte, especially in her quality of the Evening Star. See his article, “Elamitische Eigennamen,” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vi. (1892) pp. 64-67, 70. 841. Diodorus Siculus, ii. 20; Aelian, Var. Hist. vii. 1. 842. W. Robertson Smith, “Ctesias and the Semiramis Legend,” English Historical Review, ii. (1887) pp. 303-317. Amongst other evidence, Smith refers to Diodorus Siculus, from whose account (ii. 4) of the birth of Semiramis he infers that she “is the daughter of Derceto, the fish goddess of Ascalon, and is herself the Astarte whose sacred doves were honoured at Ascalon and throughout Syria.” It seems probable that the legendary Semiramis is to be identified with Shammuramat, the “palace wife” of Samsi-Adad, king of Assyria, and mother of King Adad-Nirari; she lived towards the end of the ninth century b.c., and is known to us from Assyrian inscriptions. See C. F. Lehmann-Haupt, Die historische Semiramis und ihre Zeit (Tübingen, 1910), pp. 1 sqq.; id., s.v. “Semiramis,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexicon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, iv. coll. 678 sqq. 843. Strabo, xii. 3. 37, p. 559, compare xi. 8. 4, p. 512. Zela is the modern Zileh, a town of about 20,000 inhabitants clustered at the foot of the so-called mound of Semiramis, which is an inconsiderable protuberance of natural rock crowned by the walls of an old citadel. The place is singularly destitute of ancient remains, but every year in the first fortnight of December a fair is held in the town, to which merchants come not only from the whole of Asia Minor, but also from the Caucasus, Armenia, and Persia. This fair may very well be a direct descendant of a great festival held in honour of Anaitis or Astarte. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. (Paris, 1887) p. 649; F. Cumont et E. Cumont, Voyage d'Exploration archéologique dans le Pont et la Petite Arménie (Brussels, 1906), pp. 188 sqq. 844. Berosus, cited by Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. v. 65, p. 57 ed. Potter (where for Ταναΐδος we should read Ἀναΐτιδος, as is done by C. Müller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ii. 509). 845. Strabo, xi. 8. 4, p. 512, xii. 3. 37, p. 559. The nature of the ἱερόδουλοι at Zela is indicated by Strabo in a passage (xii. 3. 36) where he describes a similar state of things at Comana, a city not far from Zela. His words are πλῆθος γυναικῶν τῶν ἐργαζομένων ἀπὸ τοῦ σώματος, ὦν αἰ πλείους εἰσὶν ἰεραί. 846. Herodotus, i. 184; Strabo, xvi. i. 2, p. 737; Diodorus Siculus, ii. 14. 847. Ctesias, cited by John of Antioch, in C. Müller's Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, iv. 539. 848. Diodorus Siculus, ii. 13. Note that the first husband of Semiramis is said to have hanged himself (Diodorus Siculus, ii. 6). 849. A. Jeremias, Izdubar-Nimrod, (Leipsic, 1891), pp. 23 sqq.; M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (Boston, U.S.A., 1898), p. 482; L. W. King, Babylonian Religion and Mythology (London, 1899), pp. 159 sqq.; P. Jensen, Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und Epen (Berlin, 1900), pp. 169, 171; R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Literature (New York, 1901), pp. 338 sq.; Das Gilgamesch-Epos, neu übersetzt von Arthur Ungnad und gemeinverständlich erklärt von Hugo Gressmann (Göttingen, 1911), pp. 31 sq. The true name of the Babylonian hero, which used to be read as Izdubar, has been found to be Gilgamesh. See M. Jastrow, op. cit. pp. 468 sq.; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 566 note 4; A. Ungnad, Das Gilgamesch-Epos, pp. 76 sq. Aelian mentions (De natura animalium, xii. 21) a Babylonian king, Gilgamus, whose name is doubtless identical with that of the hero. 850. A. Jeremias, op. cit. pp. 59 sq.; M. Jastrow, op. cit. pp. 475 sq., 484 sq.; Herodotus, i. 199. The name which Herodotus gives to the goddess is Mylitta, but this is only a corruption of one of her Semitic titles, whether Baalath (Hebrew בעלת) “mistress,” or perhaps rather Mullittu, from Mu'allidtu (Hebrew מילדת), “she who helps to the birth.” See E. Meyer, s.v. “Astarte,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexicon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. 648; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 423 note 7. The female “votaries of Marduk” are repeatedly mentioned in the code of Hammurabi. See C. H. W. Johns, Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts, and Letters (Edinburgh, 1904), pp. 54, 55, 59, 60, 61; Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, p. 63. 851. Along with Anaitis at Zela there were worshipped two deities named Omanos and Anadates; Strabo says that they were Persian divinities, and certainly their ritual as described by him was purely Persian. See Strabo, xi. 8. 4, p. 512, xv. 3. 15, p. 733; Franz Cumont, Les Religions orientales dans le Paganisme romain2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 214 sq. It has been proposed to identify their names, first, with those of the two Persian archangels (Amshaspands), Vohumano or Vohu Manah (“Good Thought”) and Ameretât (“Immortality”), and, second, with those of Haman and his father Hammedatha in the book of Esther (iii. 1). In order to support the identification of Anadates with Ameretât and Hammedatha it has been further proposed to alter Anadates into Amadates or Amardates in the text of Strabo, which would assimilate the name to Amurdâd, a late form of Ameretât. See P. Jensen, Hittiter und Armenier (Strasburg, 1898), p. 181; Franz Cumont, Textes et Monuments figurés relatifs aux Mystères de Mithra, i. (Brussels, 1899) pp. 130, 131; H. Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen, Dritte Reihe, i. (Leipsic, 1901) p. 4; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 516 note 3; P. Haupt, Purim (Leipsic, 1906), p. 26; L. B. Paton, Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of Esther (Edinburgh, 1908), pp. 88, 92. As to the Persian archangels (Amshaspands) see C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum (Gotha, 1896-1903), ii. 200 sqq.; L. H. Gray, “The Double Nature of the Iranian Archangels,” Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, vii. (1904) pp. 345 sqq.; J. H. Moulton, Early Religious Poetry of Persia (Cambridge, 1911), pp. 58 sqq. But apart from the philological difficulty created by the forcible alteration of Strabo's text in order to bring it into conformity with the theory, it is difficult to see how the highly abstract conceptions of the archangels “Good Thought” and “Immortality” could have passed into the highly concrete and by no means angelic figures of Haman and Hammedatha. This latter difficulty has been pointed out to me in a letter (8th June, 1901) by my friend the Rev. Professor J. H. Moulton, who further informs me that in Persian religion Vohu Manah is never linked with Ameretât, whereas Ameretât is constantly linked with another archangel Haurvatât (“Health”). Professor Theodor Nöldeke in a letter to me (20th May, 1901) also expresses himself sceptical as to the proposed identifications; he tells me that the name of a Persian god cannot end in data, just as the name of a Greek god cannot end in -δωρος or -δοτος. On the whole it seems better to leave Omanos and Anadates out of the present discussion. 852. Franz Boas, “The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians,” Report of the United States National Museum for 1895 (Washington, 1897), p. 396. 853. Franz Boas, op. cit. pp. 420 sq. The description applies specially to the masked dances of the Kwakiutl tribe, but probably it holds good for the similar dances of the other Indian tribes on the same coast. Thus among the Bella Coola Indians “the masks used in the dances represent mythical personages, and the dances are pantomimic representations of myths. Among others, the thunder bird and his servant ... appear in the dances” (F. Boas, op. cit. p. 651). 854. Tamanawas or tamanous is a Chinook term signifying “guardian spirits.” See Totemism and Exogamy, iii. 405 sqq. 855. James G. Swan, The Indians of Cape Flattery, p. 66, quoted by Franz Boas, op. cit. pp. 637 sq. 856. J. Adrian Jacobsen, “Geheimbünde der Küstenbewohner Nordwest-America's,” Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte (1891), pp. 384 sq. The passage has been already quoted by me in Totemism and Exogamy, iii. 500-502. 857. As to the belief of these Esquimaux that at the Festival of the Dead the spirits of the departed enter into and animate their human namesakes, see Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, p. 371. 858. E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part i. (Washington, 1899) pp. 394 sq. 859. K. Th. Preuss, Die Nayarit Expedition, I. Die Religion der Cora Indianer (Leipsic, 1912), pp. xcii. sqq., xcv. sqq. 860. Th. Koch-Grünberg, Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern (Berlin, 1909-1910), i. 130-140, ii. 169-201. The passage translated in the text occurs in vol. ii. p. 196. 861. F. Vormann, “Tänze und Tanzfestlichkeiten der Monumbo-Papua (Deutsch-Neuguinea),” Anthropos, vi. (1911) pp. 415 sq., 418 sqq., 426 sq. 862. A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo (Leyden, 1904-1907), i. 324. As to these masquerades of the Kayans see Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 95 sq., 186 sq. 863. Rev. J. Perham, “Mengap, the Song of the Dyak Sea Feast,” Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. 2 (Singapore, December, 1878), pp. 123 sq., 134; H. Ling Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo (London, 1896), ii. 174 sq., 183. Compare E. H. Gomes, Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo (London, 1911), pp. 213 sq.: “This song of the head feast takes the form of a story setting forth how the mythical hero Klieng held a head feast on his return from the warpath, and invited the god of war, Singalang Burong, to attend it. It describes at great length all that happened on that occasion. The singing of this song takes up the whole night. It begins before 8 p.m., and lasts till next morning. Except for a short interval for rest in the middle of the night, the performers are marching and singing all the time.” On the third day of the festival the people go out on the open-air platform in front of the house and sacrifice a pig. “The people shout together (manjong) at short intervals until a hawk is seen flying in the heavens. That hawk is Singalang Burong, who has taken that form to manifest himself to them. He has accepted their offerings and has heard their cry” (E. H. Gomes, op. cit. p. 214). 864. A. E. Haigh, The Attic Theatre (Oxford, 1889), pp. 4 sqq, The religious origin of Greek tragedy is maintained by Professor W. Ridgeway (The Origin of Tragedy, Cambridge, 1910), but he finds its immediate inspiration in the worship of the dead rather than in the worship of Dionysus. 865. H. Oldenberg, Die Literatur des alten Indien (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1903), pp. 236 sqq. Professor Oldenberg holds that the evolution of the Indian drama was probably not influenced by that of Greece. 866. Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 239 sq. 867. The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 97 sqq. 868. C. P. Tiele, Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte (Gotha, 1886-1888), pp. 351 sqq.; M. Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (Boston, U.S.A., 1898), p. 43; Sir G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, iii. Les Empires (Paris, 1899), pp. 378 sqq.; C. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Literature (New York, 1901), pp. 94 sqq. 869. Athenaeus, xii. 38 sq., pp. 528 f-530 c; Diodorus Siculus, ii. 23 and 27; Justin, i. 3. Several different versions of the king's epitaph have come down to us. I have followed the version of Choerilus, the original of which is said to have been carved in Chaldean letters on a tombstone that surmounted a great barrow at Nineveh. This barrow may, as I suggest in the text, have been one of the so-called mounds of Semiramis. 870. Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8; Dio Chrysostom, Or. xxxiii. p. 408 (vol. ii. p. 16 ed. L. Dindorf, Leipsic, 1857). Coins of Tarsus exhibit the effigy on the pyre, which seems to be composed of a pyramid of great beams resting on a cubical base. See K. O. Müller, “Sandon und Sardanapal,” Kunstarchäologische Werke (Berlin, 1873), iii. 8 sqq., whose valuable essay I follow. For fuller details see Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 91 sqq., 139 sqq. 871. Agathias, Hist. ii. 24. 872. Joannes Lydus, De magistratibus, iii. 64; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, ii. 6. 2 sq.; Lucian, Dial. deorum, xiii. 2. 873. K. O. Müller, “Sandon und Sardanapal,” Kunstarchäologische Werke (Berlin, 1873), iii. 16 sq. The writer adds that there is authority for every stroke in the picture. His principal source is the sixty-second speech of Dio Chrysostom (vol. ii. p. 202 ed. L. Dindorf), where the unmanly Sardanapalus, seated cross-legged on a gilded couch with purple hangings, is compared to “the Adonis for whom the women wail.” 874. Herodotus, i. 7. 875. Herodotus, i. 86 sq., with J. C. F. Bähr's note. According to another and perhaps more probable tradition the king sought a voluntary death in the flames. See Bacchylides, iii. 24-62; Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 141 sqq. 876. The Dying God, pp. 41 sq. 877.

Sophocles, Trachiniae, 1195 sqq.:

πολλὴν μὲν ὕλην τῆς βαθυρρίζου δρυὸς κείραντα πολλὸν δ᾽ ἄρσεν ἐκτεμόνθ᾽ ὁμοῦ ἄγριον ἔλαιον, σῶμα τουμὸν ἐμβαλεῖν.

Этот отрывок был указан мне моим другом, покойным д-ром А. У. Верроллом. Язык поэта предполагает, что в старину священный огонь разжигался трением дубового и дикого оливкового дерева и что, в соответствии с представлением, распространенным среди грубых народов, один из кусков дерева (в данном случае дикая олива) считался мужским, а другой (дуб) — женским. Согласно этой гипотезе, огонь разжигался путем просверливания отверстия в куске дуба палкой из дикой оливы. О различных видах дерева, используемых древними для добывания огня трением, см. А. Кун, «Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des Göttertranks» 2 (Гютерсло, 1886), стр. 35 и сл.; «The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings», т. II, 249 и сл. В Южной Африке специальный огонь для жертвоприношений добывается трением двух кусков дерева «Uzwati», которые известны соответственно как муж и жена. См. «Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild», т. II, 65.

878. Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 68. 879. F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. (Bonn, 1841) p. 496. 880. This suggestion was made by F. Liebrecht, Zur Volkskunde (Heilbronn, 1879), p. 9. It occurred to me independently. 881. Lucian, De dea Syria, 49. 882. Codex Theodosianus, Lib. xvi. Tit. viii. § 18: “Judaeos quodam festivitatis suae solleni Aman ad poenae quondam recordationem incendere, et sanctae crucis adsimulatam speciem in contemptu Christianae fidei sacrilega mente exurere provinciarum rectores prohibeant: ne locis suis fidei nostrae signum immisceant, sed ritus suos infra contemptum Christianae legis retineant: amissuri sine dubio permissa hactenus, nisi ab inlicitis temperaverint.” The decree is dated at Constantinople, in the consulship of Bassus and Philip. For locis we should probably read jocis with Mommsen. 883. Fr. Cumont, “Une formule grecque de renonciation au judaïsme,” Wiener Studien, xxiv. (1902) p. 468. The “Christian fast” referred to in the formula is no doubt Lent. The mention of the Jewish Sabbath (the Christian Saturday) raises a difficulty, which has been pointed out by the editor, Franz Cumont, in a note (p. 470): “The festival of Purim was celebrated on the 14th of Adar, that is, in February or March, about the beginning of the Christian Lent; but that festival, the date of which is fixed in the Jewish calendar, does not always fall on a Saturday. Either the author made a mistake or the civil authority obliged the Jews to transfer their rejoicings to a Sabbath” (Saturday). 884. Israel Abrahams, The Book of Delight and other Papers (Philadelphia, 1912), pp. 266 sq. Mr. Abrahams ingeniously suggests (op. cit. pp. 267 sq.) that the ring waved over the fire was an emblem of the sun, and that the kindling of the Purim fires was originally a ceremony of imitative magic to ensure a supply of solar light and heat. 885. Albîrûnî, The Chronology of Ancient Nations, translated and edited by Dr. C. Edward Sachau (London, 1879), pp. 273 sq. 886. Quoted by Lagarde, “Purim,” p. 13 (Abhandlungen der königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, xxxiv. 1887). 887. M. Güdemann, Geschichte des Erziehungswesens und der Cultur der abendländischen Juden (Vienna, 1880-1888), ii. 211 sq.; I. Abrahams, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages (London, 1896), pp. 260 sq. 888. J. J. Schudt, Jüdische Merkwürdigkeiten (Frankfort and Leipsic, 1714), ii. Theil, p. 309. 889. Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica, vii. 16; Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. J. Classen (Bonn, 1839-1841), vol. i. p. 129. Theophanes places the event in the year 408 a.d. From a note in Migne's edition of Socrates, I learn that in the Alexandrian calendar, which Theophanes used, the year 408 corresponded to the year which in our reckoning began on the first of September 415. Hence if the murder was perpetrated in spring at Purim it must have taken place in 416. 890. This is the view of H. Graetz (Geschichte der Juden,2 iv. Leipsic, 1866, pp. 393 sq.) and Dr. M. R. James (Life and Miracles of St. William of Norwich (Cambridge, 1896), by A. Jessopp and M. R. James, pp. lxiii. sq.). 891. For an examination of some of these reported murders, see M. R. James, op. cit. pp. lxii. sqq.; H. L. Strack, Das Blut im Glauben und Aberglauben der Menschheit (Munich, 1900), pp. 121 sqq. Both writers incline to dismiss the charges as groundless. 892. Above, pp. 353 sq. 893. J. Buxtorf, Synagoga Judaica (Bâle, 1661), cap. xxix. p. 554; J. Chr. G. Bodenschatz, Kirchliche Verfassung der heutigen Juden (Erlangen, 1748), ii. 253 sq. 894. Esther iv. 3 and 16, ix. 31. 895. So far as I know, Professor Jensen has not yet published his theory, but he has stated it in letters to correspondents. See W. Nowack, Lehrbuch der hebräischen Archäologie (Freiburg i. Baden and Leipsic, 1894), ii. 200; H. Günkel, Schöpfung und Chaos (Göttingen, 1895), pp. 311 sqq.; D. G. Wildeboer, in his commentary on Esther, pp. 174 sq. (Kurzer Hand-Commentar zum Alten Testament, herausgegeben von D. K. Marti, Lieferung 6, Freiburg i. B., 1898). In the Babylonian calendar the 13th of Adar was so far a fast day that on it no fish or fowl might be eaten. In one tablet the 13th of Adar is marked “not good,” while the 14th and 15th are marked “good.” See C. H. W. Johns, s.v. “Purim,” Encyclopaedia Biblica, iii. (London, 1902) col. 3980. 896. M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (Boston, U.S.A., 1898), pp. 471 sq., 475 sq., 481-486, 510-512; L. W. King, Babylonian Religion and Mythology (London, 1899), pp. 146 sqq.; P. Jensen, Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und Epen (Berlin, 1900), pp. 116-273; R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Literature (New York, 1901), pp. 324-368; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament3 (Berlin, 1902), pp. 566-582; Das Gilgamesch-Epos, neu übersetzt von Arthur Ungnad und gemeinverständlich erklärt von Hugo Gressmann (Göttingen, 1911). Professor Jastrow points out that though a relation cannot be traced between each of the tablets of the poem and the corresponding month of the year, such a relation appears undoubtedly to exist between some of the tablets and the months. Thus, for example, the sixth tablet describes the affection of Ishtar for Gilgamesh, and the visit which she paid to Anu, her father in heaven, to complain of the hero's contemptuous rejection of her love. Now the sixth Babylonian month was called the “Mission of Ishtar,” and in it was held the festival of Tammuz, the hapless lover of the goddess. Again, the story of the great flood is told in the eleventh tablet, and the eleventh month was called the “month of rain.” See M. Jastrow, op. cit. pp. 484, 510. 897. Ezekiel viii. 14. 898. Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 183 sq., 227. 899. Esther vii. 8. 900. See above, p. 368. 901. Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, p. 183. 902. J. J. Schudt, Jüdische Merkwürdigkeiten (Frankfort and Leipsic, 1714), ii. Theil, p. 316. 903. Dio Chrysostom makes Diogenes say to Alexander the Great, οὐκ ἐννενόηκας τὴν τῶν Σακαίων ἑορτήν, ἢν Πέρσαι ἄγουσιν (Or. iv. vol. i. p. 76 ed. L. Dindorf). The festival was mentioned by Ctesias in the second book of his Persian history (Athenaeus, xiv. 44 p. 639 c); and down to the time of Strabo it was associated with the nominal worship of the Persian goddess Anaitis (Strabo, xi. 8. 4 and 5, p. 512). 904. Lagarde, “Purim,” pp. 51 sqq. (Abhandlungen der königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, xxxiv. 1887). 905. Th. Hyde, Historia religionis veterum Persarum (Oxford, 1700), pp. 183, 249-251; Albîrûnî, The Chronology of Ancient Nations, translated and edited by Dr. C. Edward Sachau (London, 1879), p. 211. 906. The Dying God, pp. 148 sqq. 907. Esther vi. 8 sq., viii. 15. 908. The Dying God, pp. 254 sqq. 909.

Богиня Иштар, безусловно, воплощала принцип плодородия как у животных, так и у растений; ибо в поэме, описывающей ее сошествие в мир мертвых, говорится, что

«После того как госпожа Иштар сошла в страну Безвозвратную, Бык не всходил на корову, и осел не прыгал на ослицу, Мужчина не приближался к деве на улице, Мужчина ложился спать на свое собственное ложе, В то время как дева спала сама по себе».

См. К. Ф. Харпер, «Assyrian and Babylonian Literature» (Нью-Йорк, 1901), стр. 410 и сл.; П. Йенсен, «Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und Epen» (Берлин, 1900), стр. 87.

910. The interpretation here given of the four principal personages in the book of Esther was suggested by me in the second edition of this book (1900). It agrees substantially with the one which has since been adopted by Professor H. Zimmern (in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament,3 Berlin, 1902, p. 519), and by Professor P. Haupt (Purim, Leipsic, 1906, pp. 21 sq.). 911. In this connexion it deserves to be noted that among the ancient Persians marriages are said to have been usually celebrated at the vernal equinox (Strabo, xv. 3. 17, p. 733). 912. The five days' duration of the mock king's reign may possibly have been an intercalary period introduced, as in ancient Egypt and Mexico, for the purpose of equalizing a year of 360 days (twelve months of 30 days each) to a solar year reckoned at 365 days. See above, pp. 339 sqq. 913. However, the legend that Semiramis burned herself on a pyre in Babylon for grief at the loss of a favourite horse (Hyginus, Fab. 243; compare Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 155) may perhaps point to an old custom of compelling the human representative of the goddess to perish in the flames. We have seen (above, p. 371) that one of the lovers of Ishtar had the form of a horse. Hence the legend recorded by Hyginus is a fresh link in the chain of evidence which binds Semiramis to Ishtar. 914. The Dying God, pp. 148 sqq. 915. The Dying God, pp. 46 sqq. 916. B. de Sahagun, Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp. 478-480. Compare E. Seler, Altmexikanische Studien, ii. (Berlin, 1899) p. 117. 917. Berosus, quoted by Eusebius, Chronicorum liber prior, ed. A. Schoene (Berlin, 1875), coll. 14-18; id., in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Muller, ii. 497 sq.; P. Jensen, Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und Epen (Berlin, 1900), pp. 2 sqq.; L. W. King, Babylonian Religion and Mythology (London, 1899), pp. 54 sqq.; M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (Boston, U.S.A., 1898), pp. 408 sqq.; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament3 (Berlin, 1902), pp. 488 sqq.; M. J. Lagrange, Études sur les Religions Sémitiques2 (Paris, 1905), pp. 366 sqq.; R. W. Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament (Oxford, preface dated 1911), pp. 31 sq., 36. In the Hebrew account of the creation (Genesis i. 2) “the deep” (תהום tĕhom) is a reminiscence of the Babylonian mythical monster Tiamat. 918. Hymns of the Rig Veda, x. 90 (vol. iv. pp. 289-293 of R. T. H. Griffith's translation, Benares, 1889-1892). Compare A. A. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology (Strasburg, 1897), pp. 12 sq. 919. The Satapatha Brâhmana, translated by Julius Eggeling, Part iv. (Oxford, 1897) pp. xiv.-xxiv. (The Sacred Books of the East, vol. xliii.). Compare Sylvain Lévi, La doctrine du sacrifice dans les Brâhmanas (Paris, 1898), pp. 13 sqq. 920. [The following Note formed part of the text in the Second Edition of The Golden Bough (London, 1900), vol. iii. pp. 186-198. The hypothesis which it sets forth has not been confirmed by subsequent research, and is admittedly in a high degree speculative and uncertain. Hence I have removed it from the text but preserved it as an appendix on the chance that, under a pile of conjectures, it contains some grains of truth which may ultimately contribute to a solution of the problem. As my views on this subject appear to have been strangely misunderstood, I desire to point out explicitly that my theory assumes the historical reality of Jesus of Nazareth as a great religious and moral teacher, who founded Christianity and was crucified at Jerusalem under the governorship of Pontius Pilate. The testimony of the Gospels, confirmed by the hostile evidence of Tacitus (Annals, xv. 44) and the younger Pliny (Epist. x. 96), appears amply sufficient to establish these facts to the satisfaction of all unprejudiced enquirers. It is only the details of the life and death of Christ that remain, and will probably always remain, shrouded in the mists of uncertainty. The doubts which have been cast on the historical reality of Jesus are in my judgment unworthy of serious attention. Quite apart from the positive evidence of history and tradition, the origin of a great religious and moral reform is inexplicable without the personal existence of a great reformer. To dissolve the founder of Christianity into a myth, as some would do, is hardly less absurd than it would be to do the same for Mohammed, Luther, and Calvin. Such dissolving views are for the most part the dreams of students who know the great world chiefly through its pale reflection in books. These extravagances of scepticism have been well exposed by Professor C. F. Lehmann-Haupt in his Israel, seine Entwicklung im Rahmen der Weltgeschichte (Tübingen, 1911), pp. 275-285. In reprinting the statement of my theory I have added a few notes, which are distinguished by being enclosed in square brackets.] 921. P. Wendland, “Jesus als Saturnalien-König,” Hermes, xxxiii. (1898) pp. 175-179. 922. The resemblance had struck me when I wrote this book originally [1889-1890], but as I could not definitely explain it I preferred to leave it unnoticed. [The first in recent years to call attention to the resemblance seems to have been Mr. W. R. Paton, who further conjectured that the crucifixion of Christ between two malefactors was not accidental, but had a ritual significance “as an expiatory sacrifice to a triple god.” See F. C. Conybeare, The Apology and Acts of Apollonius and other Monuments of Early Christianity (London, 1894), pp. 257 sqq.; W. R. Paton, “Die Kreuzigung Jesu,” Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft, ii. (1901) pp. 339-341. The grounds for the conjecture are somewhat slender. It is true that a Persian martyr, S. Hiztibouzit, is said to have been crucified between two malefactors on a hill top, opposite the sun (F. C. Conybeare, op. cit. p. 270), but the narrator of the martyrdom gives no hint of any sacred significance attaching to the triple crucifixion.] 923. Matthew xxvii. 26-31. Mark's description (xv. 15-20) is nearly identical. 924. Dio Chrysostom, Or. iv. vol. i. p. 76 ed. L. Dindorf. As I have already mentioned, the Greek word which describes the execution (ἐκρέμασαν) leaves it uncertain whether the man was crucified or hanged. 925. See above, p. 392. 926. [The extreme improbability involved in the suggested transference of the date of the Crucifixion is rightly emphasized by my colleague and friend Professor C. F. Lehmann-Haupt in some observations and criticisms with which he has favoured me. He writes: “I regard it as out of the question that ‘Christian tradition shifted the date of the Crucifixion by a month.’ You yourself regard it as improbable; but in my opinion it is impossible. All that we hear of the Passion is only explicable by the Passover festival and by the circumstance that at that time every believing Jew had to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Without the background of the festival all that we know of the Crucifixion and of what led up to it is totally unintelligible.”] 927. Esther iii. 7. 928. Tacitus, Hist. iii. 24 sq., compared with ii. 74. 929. Luke xxiii. 11. 930. Matthew xxvii. 37; Mark xv. 26; Luke xxiii. 38; John xix. 19. 931. Matthew xxvii. 15-26; Mark xv. 6-15; Luke xxiii. 16-25; John xviii. 38-40. 932. Philo Judaeus, Adversus Flaccum, vol. ii. pp. 520-523 ed. Th. Mangey (London, 1742). The first to call attention to this passage was Mr. P. Wendland (“Jesus als Saturnalien-König,” Hermes, xxxiii. (1898) pp. 175 sq.). [Mar-na, “Our Lord,” was the title of a Philistine deity worshipped at Gaza and elsewhere. See C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum (Gotha, 1896-1903), i. 258. Compare Hebrew and English Lexicon, edited by F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and Ch. A. Briggs (Oxford, 1906), p. 1101.] 933. Matthew xxi. 1-13; Mark xi. 1-17; Luke xix. 28-46; John xii. 12-15. [As to the license accorded to temporary kings, see The Dying God, pp. 56 sq., 148 sqq.] 934. [The Dying God, pp. 166 sqq.] 935. [In favour of the theory in the text, which supposes that in the tragic drama of the crucifixion Jesus and Barabbas played parts which were the complements, if not the duplicates, of each other, it might, as M. Salomon Reinach has pointed out, be alleged that in the Armenian and old Syriac versions of Matthew xxvii. 16 and 17, as well as in some Greek cursive manuscripts, the name of the prisoner whom Pilate proposed to release is given as Jesus Barabbas, a reading which was also known to Origen and was not absolutely rejected by him. See Encyclopaedia Biblica (London, 1899-1903), s.v. “Barabbas,” vol. i. col. 477; Evangelion da-Mepharreshe, edited by F. C. Burkitt (Cambridge, 1904), i. 165, ii. 277 sq. In the latter passage Prof. Burkitt argues that Jesus Barabbas was probably the original reading in the Greek text, though the name Jesus is omitted in nearly all our existing manuscripts. Compare S. Reinach, “Le roi supplicié,” Cultes, Mythes, et Religions, i. (Paris, 1905) pp. 339 sq.] 936. Pliny, Epist. x. 96. The province which Pliny governed was known officially as Bithynia and Pontus, and extended from the river Rhyndacos on the west to beyond Amisus on the east. See Professor [Sir] W. M. Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire (London, 1893), p. 224. Professor Ramsay is of opinion “that the description of the great power acquired by the new religion in the province applies to Eastern Pontus at least.” The chief religious centre of this district appears to have been the great sanctuary of Anaitis or Semiramis at Zela, to which I have already had occasion to call the reader's attention. Strabo tells us (xii. 3. 37) that all the people of Pontus took their most solemn oaths at this shrine. In the same district there was another very popular sanctuary of a similar type at Comana, where the worship of a native goddess called Ma was carried on by a host of sacred harlots and by a high priest, who wore a diadem and was second only to the king in rank. At the festivals of the goddess crowds of men and women flocked into Comana from all the region round about, from the country as well as from the cities. The luxury and debauchery of this holy town suggest to Strabo a comparison with the famous or rather infamous Corinth. See Strabo, xii. 3. 32 and 36, compared with xii. 2. 3. Such were some of the hot-beds in which the seeds of Christianity first struck root.

The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Golden Bough (Third Edition, Vol. 9 of 12) by James George Frazer