«Принципы политической экономии, том 1»

Рау, Lehrbuch, I, § 183. О том, когда можно предположить, что цена на зерно оставалась неизменной, см. Герман, указ. соч., 125 и сл. 788.Petty recommended the average daily food necessarily required by one man as the measure of price, estimated on the basis of the cheapest means of subsistence. (Polit. Anatomy of Ireland, 62 ff.) Thaer used as such a measure the smallest day's wages; as he supposed, expressed in rye, that is, 1/9 of the Prussian scheffel. Similarly, Malthus, in his first edition, and Buquoy, Theorie der Nationalwirthschaft, 240. But this is simply to substitute for wheat an arbitrarily determined quantity and quality of the same as a measure of prices. For practical experiments of this kind, made by the depreciation of paper money during the French Revolution, see M. Chevalier, Cours, III, 98; and Constitution de 1795, V, 68, VI, 173. Count Soden, Nat. Œk., II, 338 f., demands that all taxes, salaries of state officials etc., should be regulated in accordance with the price of corn. This same view has been suggested recently in many German States.789.Recognized generally by Locke, Considerations 24. Further, Galliani, Della Moneta, II, 2; Adam Smith, I, ch. 5. Schäffle, N. Œk., II, Aufl., 127, maintains that a constant measure of price, such as would enable a person to stipulate for a salary for instance that would be always of the same value, is impossible. Similarly, Hildebrand's Jahrb., 1871, 315 ff.790.Compare J. Tucker, Four Tracts on political and commercial Subjects, 28 ff., who maintains that it is a rule, almost without exception, that “operose or complicated manufactures” are cheapest in rich countries; “raw materials,” in poor ones. Thus, for instance, corn (?), garden products in the former; cattle, wool, milk, skins, flesh-meat, in the latter. Ships and movable property are cheaper in the former, whereas wood may be said to be almost the free product of nature here. See especially Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, ch. 11, Digr.791.Senior, Outlines 119 f., makes the following calculation: Of the 15d. which a loaf of bread costs in England, 10d. goes to buy the wheat, the other 5d. to the miller, baker etc. If now, we suppose, that in consequence of an increased demand, and therefore of increased production under more unfavorable circumstances, the price of wheat should rise to 20d., the cost of production would possibly, because of an improved division of labor, come down to 3-¾d., and hence the price of the loaf of bread would be increased to 23-¾d. It is quite the reverse in the case of lace, because here a piece of raw material worth only 2 shillings may, by reason of the labor expended on it, become worth as much as £105. If the consumption of lace should increase so that the value of the raw material rose to 4 shillings, the simultaneous decrease of the cost of manufacture to the extent of one-quarter of the aggregate price, would leave the price of the manufactured article £78, 19s.792.When, for instance, the inhabitants of the Baltic coasts, by way of preference, kept up their relations with the Hanseatic cities, the Dutch and English, that is with the most important industrial and commercial nations in their own sphere, they in all this pursued only their own interest. As to how this intercourse between “old” and “new” countries is susceptible of the very highest development, see Torrens, The Budget: On Commercial and Colonial Policy, 1844, and earlier, Wakefield, England and America, II, 1823.793.The clearing up of primeval forests, the cultivation of natural meadows, etc.794.In Hungary, during the sixteenth century, the choicest venison was consumed by plebeians and nobles alike. Herberstein, Rer. Moscov. Comm., 97. In Russia, even the lowest classes not unfrequently partake of roast hare and duck etc. Kohl, Reise in Russland, II, 386. Still, in St. Petersburg, wild-fowl game rose between the time of Peter the Great and Alexander I. 600 per cent. in price. (Storch, Handbuch, I, 368.) In Pittsburg, in 1807, mutton, beef and veal cost from 4 to 6 cents a pound, and game only from 3 to 4-½ cents a pound. (Melish, Travels through the United States, II, 57.) The more the game laws are enforced, the longer does the low price of game continue, especially when it is not easy for the poor to procure them. The moderns have seldom thought of raising game artificially; among the Romans, artificial raising was confined to the hare and fieldfare. (Varro, R.R., III, 12 ff.; Columella, R.R., VIII, 10.) Hence, the enormous prices paid for game, of which Pliny, H. N. X., 43, relates an example from the time of the emperors. On the other hand, Polybius assures us that, in his time, game was to be had as good as gratis in Lusitania. XXXIV, 8, 7.795.В Буэнос-Айресе в XIX веке можно было увидеть нищих верхом на лошадях. (Робертсон, «Письма из Южной Америки», II, 294.) В Красноярске в 1770 г. цена быка составляла 1,5 рубля, коровы — 1 рубль, лошади — от 2 до 3, овцы — от 0,3 до 0,5; оленя — 0,15. (Паллас, «Сибирское путешествие», III, 5, II 12.) Согласно таблицам цен сэра Ф. М. Идена «Состояние бедных», прил. I, и Роджерса «История сельского хозяйства и цен» (1866), I, 245, 361, в Англии установились следующие цены:

(В среднем.)

в 1125–26 гг. один бык — 1 шиллинг; одна четверть пшеницы — 20 шиллингов; в 1260–1400 гг. один бык — 13 шиллингов 1¼ пенса; одна четверть пшеницы — 5 шиллингов 10¾ пенса; в 1406 г. один бык — 9½ шиллингов; одна четверть пшеницы — 4½ шиллинга; в 1463 г. один бык — 10–20 шиллингов; одна четверть пшеницы — 1⅔–4⅔ шиллинга.

Ср. Юм, «История Англии», 1327 г. При Генрихе VIII телятина, говядина, баранина и свинина были пищей бедняков в Англии и стоили в среднем 1½ пенса за фунт; в то время как пшеница стоила от 7 до 8 шиллингов за четверть. (24 Генриха VII, гл. 3. Прайс, «Наблюдения», II, 148 и сл.) То же самое следует из «разумных цен», которые Карл I в 1663 г. установил через присяжных заседателей, а именно: различные виды мяса были значительно дешевле по сравнению с зерном в наши дни. (Раймер, Foedera, XIX, 511. Андерсон, «Происхождение торговли», 1633 г.) Во многих местах в высокогорьях Шотландии в середине XVII века фунт овсяного хлеба стоил столько же или больше, чем фунт лучшего мяса. Союз Шотландии с более высокоцивилизованной Англией вскоре изменил это соотношение, так что во времена Адама Смита хорошее мясо почти во всех частях Великобритании стоило в 2–4 раза дороже, чем такой же вес пшеничного хлеба. («Богатство народов», I, гл. 11, 1.) Больница Святого Фомы в Лондоне платила в среднем за хорошую говядину за стоун веса:

1701–1710: 1 шиллинг 7,9 пенса. 1764–1773: 1 шиллинг 3,7 пенса. 1794–1803: 1 шиллинг 5 пенсов. 1804–1821: 1 шиллинг 10,9 пенса. 1822–1842: 1 шиллинг 1,5 пенса.

(Портер, «Прогресс нации», III, 112.) Одним из самых верных доказательств высокой степени экономического развития, достигнутого в Верхней Италии к концу средневековья, является тот факт, что цена на скот по сравнению с ценой на пшеницу в XIII и XIV веках очень мало отличается от современной. (Чибрарио, Economia politica del medio Evo, III, 335–383.) Ср. Рау, Lehrbuch I, § 185. В Афинах во времена Солона стоимость медимна пшеницы была равна стоимости овцы. В эпоху Демосфена она стоила лишь вдвое меньше. (Бёк, «Государственное хозяйство афинян», I, 107, 132.) Очевидно, однако, что цена на мясо по сравнению с ценой на зерно была снижена благодаря значительному расширению искусственного возделывания лугов; ибо, когда первая достигает своего максимума, это становится мощным стимулом для развития последнего. Так, в Англии цена на мясо в начале XVI века была в среднем выше, чем во времена Адама Смита. (Указ. соч.) К той же причине следует отнести положение дел в Пруссии, упомянутое фон Подевильсом, Wirthschaftserfahrungen, II, 15.

В качестве общей основы для таких расчетов можно принять следующее. Очевидно, что луга, пастбища и кормовые поля должны давать столько же мяса, сколько зерновые поля тех же размеров, одинакового качества и расположенные в столь же благоприятных условиях — зерна. Согласно Блоку, прусский морген земли высшего качества, используемый как луг, дает сена на сумму, эквивалентную 1000 фунтов, клевера — 2420; как овощное поле — свеклы или картофеля на сумму 6050–6930 фунтов. По оценке фон Ленгерке, 110 фунтов корма для скота в пересчете на сено дают в среднем 40 фунтов молока и от 3,5 до 4 фунтов мяса. Это дало бы максимум 36, 88 и 220–252 фунта мяса. Урожай пшеницы, по оценке фон Ленгерке, на лучшей почве и в среднем составляет 14 прусских шеффелей (по 80 фунтов, т. е. 1120 фунтов) ежегодно с акра (моргена). Три периода в истории цен на скот были четко определены Тэером, Landw. Gewerblehre, 1815, 100. 796.It is a very characteristic fact, in relation to the river fisheries, that the fable that servants formerly stipulated not to eat salmon except twice a week is to be found in so many places. Thus on the Elbe and the Rhine. Compare Thaarup, Dänische Statistik, I, 112. In Scotland, about the end of the seventeenth century, the story in places ran, that it was five times a week. (Walter Scott, Old Mortality, ch. 8.) In England, fish seems to have been a tid-bit among the poorer classes in the fourteenth century. (Rogers, I, 606.) It was dearer especially during Lent. (Statist. Journ., 1861, 544 ff.) The artificial production of sea-fish seems to have been tried only by the ancient Romans. On the whole, Adam Smith's law that a ten-fold demand can, as a rule, be met only by a greater than ten-fold labor, applies here. (I, 370, ed. Basil.) But this relation is obscured to a certain extent, from the fact that the source of the production of sea-fish, the ocean, which may be claimed at any time by occupation, is, practically, boundless. Here, therefore, the improvements made in nautical science, and the progress of geographical knowledge, may yet for a long time compensate for the exhaustion of the nearer seas, and even more than counterbalance it.797.Among a great many nations in a low stage of civilization, agriculture consists in the burning down of the forest. In 1594, the Lauenförder forest produced 1,110 thalers' worth of food for hogs, and wood to the amount of 44 thalers. (v. Berg, Staatsforstwirthsch., 213.) The Harzgerode woods, at the ducal line of Anhalt-Bernburg, were estimated at 6,000 thalers. A hundred years later, they brought in yearly 70,000 thalers, although, in the meantime, very little progress was made in the science of cultivating them, (v. Justi, Staatswirthschaft, II, 211.) We may form a notion of the relativity of the idea of the dearness of wood from the fact that in Bavaria, for instance, in 1840, there was a great deal of complaint, that in the district of Isark the price rose from 6 to 9 florins; in the districts of Regen and the lower Maine, from 11 to 14 florins to from 15 to 18; in the Rhine district, from 20 to 26 florins per cord (Klafter). (Rau, Lehrbuch, III, § 150, a.) Besides, the price of wood in the forest rises, with an advance in civilization, much more rapidly than it does in the market; in which last, labor and capital play a greater part. (Rau, I, § 385.)798.Plan for the artificial production of pearl oysters. (Novara-Reise, I, 303.) Ostriches seem now to be ceasing to be objects of mere occupation, and to be becoming objects of breeding. (Ausland, 1869, § 13.)799.Так, эксперименты Вольфа, проведенные в Мёккерне, показали, что у овец, которых кормят сеном, шерсть становится намного тяжелее, а мясо — постнее, чем у овец, получающих более концентрированный корм. В то время как в Англии в настоящее время считается, что шерсть овец породы саут-даун едва ли стоит одну десятую часть стоимости их мяса (Джейкоб, «О торговле зерном», 166), баранина с 1260 по 1400 год стоила в среднем 17 пенсов; и это даже в то время, когда цены постепенно росли; но шерсть одного животного (1 фунт 7¾ унции) — 5¼ пенса. (Роджерс, I, 362, 395.) Даже при англосаксонских королях руно стоило 40% от стоимости всей овцы. (Давид Юм.) И так У. Маканн, «Двухтысячемильная поездка через аргентинские провинции», 1853, I, 151, говорит, что во внутренних районах Буэнос-Айреса он приобрел 8000 овец по 18 пенсов за дюжину, а после перехода в 200 английских миль продал шкуры по шестьдесят пенсов за дюжину. В Гойе раньше живая лошадь стоила 3 пенса, ее шкура на побережье — 12 пенсов; убой животного стоил 3 пенса, снятие и очистка шкуры — 3 пенса; и 3 пенса платили за транспортировку. (Робертсон.)

В Ирландии в 1763 г. нередко случалось, что шкура и сало быка стоили в торговом городе столько же, сколько весь бык стоил на ближайшем рыночном рынке. (Темпль, «Работы», III, 13.) В Англии с 1260 по 1400 г. средняя цена целой коровы составляла 9 шиллингов 9 пенсов; шкуры — 1 шиллинг 8 пенсов, причем коровы были самыми дешевыми в первом десятилетии, т. е. 6 шиллингов 2 пенса, а шкуры — дороже, чем они были в основном впоследствии, т. е. на 1–9¼ пенса. (Роджерс, I, 361, 451.) В Саксонии, согласно Энгелю (1853), средняя цена рогатого скота составляла около 46 талеров; его шкуры — 4 талера и 21 серебряный грош. Россия в 1842–1847 гг. экспортировала сала на 72 636 166 серебряных рублей, конского волоса на 1 832 137 серебряных рублей, щетины (Borsten) на 10 811 735, сырых шкур на 7 387 140, овечьей шерсти на 36 159 452, но мясных продуктов — только на 370 362 рубля, а целых животных — на сумму 6 853 241 рубль. (П. Шторх, «Крестьянское сословие России», 289 и сл.) Сало там в десять раз дороже, чем такой же объем пшеницы. (Штейнхаус, «Промышленные и коммерческие отношения России», 294 и сл.); в то время как в Саксонии, согласно Энгелю (1821), фунт пшеницы стоил в среднем 7,8 пфеннига, а фунт сала — 30 пфеннигов. Однако недавний прогресс цивилизации в России привел к тому, что экспорт сала (1833 г. = 4,5 млн пудов; 1869 г. = 2,25 млн) значительно сократился; в то время как экспорт масла и живого скота увеличился. (фон Ленгефельд, «Россия в XIX веке», 220 и сл.)

В Англии в течение XIV века фунт мяса стоил в среднем ¼ пенса; сала — от 1,5 до 2 пенсов. (Роджерс, I, 411.) С другой стороны, с 1848 по 1856 г. средняя январская цена говядины из Америки составляла 110 шиллингов; сала из Санкт-Петербурга — 48 шиллингов 11 пенсов за центнер. (Ньюмарч.) И так, во времена Палласа казаки охотились на оленей в своих степях только ради их шкуры и рогов. (Паллас, «Путешествие», III, 524.) В то время как греки получали рога из Македонии и Фракии (Геродот, VII, 156), поразительным доказательством высокой цивилизации является то, что в Афинах (?), примерно во времена сотой Олимпиады, бычья шкура стоила всего 3 драхмы, а целый бык — 77 драхм. (Бёк, «Государственное хозяйство», I, 105 и сл.)

Поскольку бык в первую очередь пригоден как объект питания и орудие труда, а овца, с другой стороны, является лишь инструментом для производства шерсти, легко понять, почему с дальнейшим прогрессом цивилизации цена на быков растет сравнительно намного сильнее, чем цена на овец. В Афинах во времена Солона бык был равен по стоимости пяти овцам. (Плутарх, «Солон», 23.) Так же было и в странах с низкой цивилизацией во времена Полибия. (Полибий, XXXIV, 8; Геллий, XI, 1.) Почему то же самое было в Риме в начале Республики? (Плутарх, «Попликола», 11). В Англии соотношение между ценой быка и овцы было:

в 927 г. как 6:1 (Генри); в 1125 г. как 3:1; в 1182 г. как 6,3:1; в 1197 г. как 9:1; в 1229 г. как 8:1 (Иден); в 1260–1492 гг. (ср.) как 9,2:1 (Роджерс); в 1497 г. как 10:1; в 1500 г. как 11,6:1; в 1511 г. как 8:1; в 1528 г. как 10:1; в 1529 г. как 12,8:1; в 1531 г. как 9,4:1; в 1551 г. как 10,6:1; в 1597 г. как 8,2:1 (Иден).

В настоящее время пропорция может составлять от 10 до 20:1. В Саксонии она составляет 48 талеров к 5,27. (Энгель.) 800.About 1793, Russia exported 10,000 rubles worth of fish, 452,000 of sturgeon bladders, 188,000 of caviar. (Storch, Russland, II, 184.) But this had undergone a great change even in 1850. At present, there are 64 per cent. of sturgeon bladders, 27 of caviar, and 7 of whole fish. (Steinhaus, Russland's industrielle und commercielle Verhältnisse, 102, 368.) Yet the Astrakan fishermen still throw the greater number of the sturgeon they catch back into the water. (Pallas, Reise im süd. Russland, I, 189; Steinhaus, 99.) Salt fish are adapted for transportation to a distance not only because they can be preserved, but also because they may be caught and prepared on the great highway of the water. Athens got from the Black Sea besides wood, tar, wool, hides, cordage, honey, wax and slaves, also salt fish. (Wolf, z. Demosth. Leptin., 252; Bockh, Staatshaush. I, 51.) The latter from Sardinia, Egypt and Spain. (Pollux, VI, 48.)801.The principal countries that produce potash are Russia and North America. It is estimated that a cwt. of potash requires, on an average, 480 cwt. of wood. (Pfeil, Grundsätze der Forstwirthsch. in Bezug. auf National-Oekon. etc., I, 128.) From 1800 to 1840, wood for fuel in Würtemberg trebled its price; for building material the price increased 1.6 times. (Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift, 1847, No. 4, 104.)802.Whereas barbarous nations take little trouble to turn the milk from their cows to account (Roscher, Ideen z. Politik und Statistik der Ackerbausysteme, Archiv. der politische Œkonomie, neue Folge, III, 202), Reuning, in 1844, calculated that the milk from all the cows in Saxony amounts to a value of 10,000,000 thalers, their meat to over 2,000,000, and the labor performed by them in various ways to 3,000,000. In Silesia, in the last decade of the eighteenth century, a quart of milk was estimated to be worth 2 pfennigs (Festschrift der deutschen Landwirthschaftsversammlung, 1869, 343), whereas as now it is sold almost everywhere for 12 pfennigs. (Schmoller.) In the rather high state of civilization which Saxony had reached at the end of the sixteenth century, when game was already dear, and the prices of other meat were almost as high as in 1800, a sheffel of rye was worth 44 measures (Mass.) of milk, and recently 82-⅔ measures. (Schmoller, Tübinger Ztschr., 1871. 336 ff.)803.The principal cheese-producing countries and cities are Holland, Limburg, Switzerland, Gloucester, Chester, Ayrshire etc. Compare Roscher, loc. cit., 195 ff.804.In England, in the year 1000, a cow was worth only as much as two sheep. (Anderson, Origin of Commerce, a., 979.) The best butter was worth only 1d. per pound in 1550, while pork was worth 1-1/8, veal and mutton, 1-½, and beef, 2-¼d. The price of butter was exceedingly variable in the sixteenth century. (Eden.)805.В средние века свинина составляла самую обычную мясную пищу даже для высших слоев общества. (Бюшинг, «Рыцарское время и рыцарство», I, 164.) Огромное значение придавалось свинине в «Салической правде». (Tit., II, XIV; Emendatt. Caroli Magni, II, 1 и сл.) Архиепископ Кёльнский использовал каждый день 24 больших и 8 средних свиней, и еще четыре — на три великих праздника. Аббат Корвейский использовал ежедневно пять жирных и одну постную свинью, помимо двух молодых. (Киндлинген, «Мюнстерские вклады, документы», 147, 126.) В 1345 г. при дворе Дофине ежегодно для 30 человек использовалось 30 соленых и 52 свежие свиньи; тогда как в современном Париже с 800 000 жителей потребляется только 32 000 свиней в год. (Рокфор, «О частной жизни французов», I, 310 и сл.) Сравните с этим место, занимаемое свинопасами в «Одиссее» в эпоху рыцарства в Греции. В Англии во времена Вильгельма I леса облагались налогом в зависимости от количества свиней, которых они могли прокормить. В настоящее время в Сербии производится огромное количество свиней, что во многих местах составляет единственный источник наличных денег для сельского населения.

И около конца XVIII века говорят, что Сербия получала только от Австрии 1 300 000 флоринов ежегодно за свиней. (Ранке, «Сербская революция», 95.) В 1864 г. общий экспорт Сербии составил 62 500 000 пиастров, из которых 28 162 260 пришлось на свиней, 7 043 000 — на шерсть, 7 662 000 — на шкуры овец и оленей, 5 732 000 — на скот, 1 222 400 — на сало. (Каниц, «Сербия», 598 и сл.) Большое производство свиней также в Молдавии и Валахии, в Соединенных Штатах и Мексике, где вместо масла используют только свиной жир и сало; также в Ломбардии, прусской Рейнской провинции, Бельгии, английских молочных районах, Глостере, Уилтшире, Дамфрисе, Галлоуэе и районах, где много сельскохозяйственных пролетариев — Ирландии и Йоркшире. Это следствие того же закона, что и у жителей Южных морей, где свинья была главным домашним животным, как она остается им и у китайцев. Аналогично во всей Азии за Гангом (Риттер, «Землеведение», IV, 938, 1101); в полуварварской Верхней Италии во времена Полибия (II, 15); в самой Галлии во времена Августа. (Страбон, IV, 192, 197.) Америка древних греков, Сицилия, экспортировала свиней, главным образом, во времена Гермиппа. (Атеней, I, 27.) И даже у римлян потребление свинины было намного больше, чем потребление говядины. (Марквард-Беккер, «Руководство», V, 2, 39.) 806.In the cities of Prussia subject to a tax for the privilege of maintaining slaughter houses, a pound of beef cost on an average, in 1846, from 2 silver groschens, 5 pfennigs, to 3 s. gr. 4 pf.; pork, from 3 s. gr. 2 pf. to 4 s. gr. 4 pf. (Dieterici.) In Moscow, also, the latter is dearer at present. Before the time of Peter the Great, it was cheaper. (Storch, Handbuch I, 364.) It was a sign of high civilization, too, that in Florence, in the fifteenth century, veal cost, on an average, 2-½ soldi; mutton, 2-⅓ soldi; but pork, 4 soldi. (Pagnini, Saggio sopra il giusto Pregio delle Cose, 325 f., Cust.) It is especially the lower middle class who ask for fat meats. The very fat English sheep are taken not to London, but into the manufacturing districts. (Lauderdale, Inquiry, 322 f.) As to whether the relatively high price of pork, and the fact that in the later times of Rome, the wild boar was the most fashionable dish, compare Becker, Gallus, II, 186.807.The production of fowl is similar in this, that they are frequently fed from remains of consumption; only their production is not adapted to uncivilized countries, because it is difficult to protect them there. In Texas, it is said, it costs more to raise ten chickens than to bring up ten children. (Kennedy, Czarnkowski's translation, 1846, 115.) The independent breeding of fowl is advisable only where there are a great many rich consumers; for the reason that they are naturally a delicacy. Enormous production of pigeons in Cambridge, Huntington etc. (McCulloch, Statistical Account, I, 189.) In Paris the consumption of pork and fowl has gained somewhat since the Revolution. (M'Chevalier, Cours. I, 113.)808.Согласно Шакбургу, «Философские труды» 1798 г., и Краусу, «Смешанные сочинения», I, табл. I, цены на следующие виды животных в Англии выросли между 1550 и 1795 гг.: лошади — на 904%; быки — на 896%; овцы — на 876%; коровы — на 2050%; свиньи — на 1964%; гуси — на 300%; масло подорожало с 5 пенсов за фунт до 11,5 пенсов; пиво — с 1 пенса за галлон до 2,75 пенса; дневная сельскохозяйственная заработная плата — с 0,5 шиллинга до 1 шиллинга 5,25 пенса; пшеница — на 326%. Ср., однако, Edinburgh Review, III, 246 и сл. В Германии также коровы и свиньи выросли в цене намного больше, чем лошади и овцы. (Tübinger Ztschr., 1871, 342.) Дюто, «Размышления», 946 и сл., изд. Дайра, говорит, что стоимость драгоценных металлов во Франции снизилась между временами Людовика XII и Людовика XV в соотношении 3,87:1. С другой стороны, цены на различные товары растут в очень разной степени:

Жирные овцы — от 7 су до 10 ливров. Тощие овцы — от 5 су до 5 ливров 10 су. Свиньи — от 10 су до 25–35 ливров. Каплуны — от 1 су до 12 су. Куры — от 1,5 су до 6 су. Голуби — от 1,5 су до 3 су. Олени — от 1,5 су до 15 су.

809.Так, в Тюрингии средняя цена зерна в серебре с XVI века до периода 1848–61 гг. выросла в соотношении от 1 до 3,4; цена на различные виды животных, с другой стороны, от 1 до 5–10. (Книс в «Ежегодниках» Гильдебранда, 1863, 78.) Цена на различные виды зерна по сравнению друг с другом может, однако, изменяться под влиянием многих различных обстоятельств. Так, «Капитулярий Саксонии» 797 г., гл. II, оценивал цены на рожь, ячмень и овес как 30:30:15; в то время как Магдебургская палата в 1804 г. оценивала их как 17:14:8. В королевстве Саксония в 1841–9 гг. средние цены на пшеницу, рожь, ячмень и овес соотносились как 144:100:75:47 (Энгель); в то время как в средние века пшеница, рожь и овес соотносились как 9:6:3 (Герсдорф, Cod. Depl. Sax., II, стр. XXXIV); при принце Августе кукуруза, ячмень и овес соотносились как 24:22:12. Принимая цену ржи за 100, стоимость составляла:

В Брюсселе в XVI веке: пшеница 126,7, ячмень 80, овес 50. В Брюсселе в XVII веке: пшеница 138,8, ячмень 82,9, овес 51,9. В Брюсселе в XVIII веке: пшеница 147, ячмень 86,7, овес 55,2. В Брюсселе в 1815–1844 гг.: пшеница 156. В Брюсселе в 1841–1850 гг.: пшеница 153, ячмень 82,7, овес 51. В Берлине в 1789–1818 гг.: пшеница 135, ячмень 74,8, овес 54. В Берлине в 1819–1832 гг.: пшеница 143,5, ячмень 74,9, овес 52.

(Рау, Lehrbuch, I, § 183.) Чтобы понять это, необходимо иметь в виду относительно большой рост потребления пшеничного хлеба, пива из ячменя и лошадей как предметов роскоши. Необычно низкая цена на овес в Северной Америке по сравнению с ценой на пшеницу зависит от легкости экспорта последней. Во Флоренции в XV веке цена пшеницы составляла 22⅔ сольди, ржи — 12, ячменя — 8. (Паньини, «О справедливой цене вещей», 325.) 810.Английские так называемые таможенные цены (Zollhauspreise) соответствуют рыночным ценам 1696 года. Если принять их за 100, то цена

Of steel and iron was, in 1826, 83, in 1831, 56

Of coal was, in 1826, 47, in 1831, 45

Между 1835 и 1850 годами шотландское железо уже подешевело вдвое (Мейдингер, 387), а уголь в Лондоне — на треть (Портер). 811.Rogers, History of Agriculture, I, 67.812.In England, in 1172, an ox cost 2 shillings; in 1175, green cloth cost per ell, 2-10/12 shillings; red cloth, 5-½ shillings. (Eden.) In the western states of North America, the farmer gives two pounds of coarse wool for one pound of woolen yarn; he sends 4 bushels of wheat to the miller for the flour of three bushels (Ausland, 1843, No. 68), while in Ravenna, in the thirteenth century, the miller's fee was 1/10 (von Raumer, Hohenstaufen II, 437); according to the fixed prices in Fantazzi, (Monumen. Ravennet.); in Germany, during the last centuries of the middle ages, 1/8 (J. Grimm, Weisthümer, III, 8); at the end of the sixteenth century from 1/8 to 1/5 (Coler, Oeconomia, II, 3); in modern Germany, generally 1/16 of the raw material, and in the steppes of southern Russia, when the wind is still, in summer, even the half. (Mitth. der freien ökonom. Gesellsch. zu Petersburg, 1853, 85.) In Guiana, in 1806, a very ordinary saddle and bridle could not be had under 10-½ guineas. (Pinckard, Notes on the West Indies, III, 1806.) Count Görtz was obliged to pay 2 dollars, in Demarara, for the cleansing of a rifle, and another person for the oiling of a carriage, 5 dollars. (Reise um die Welt, 1864, 327.) A lady's dress in Mobile costs four times as much as in London or Paris. (Ch. Lyell, Second Visit to the United States, II, 70.) In Athens, articles of clothing, even for the poorer classes, were never as cheap as they are in civilized countries to-day. (Compare Plutarch, De Tranquill. Anim., 10.)813.In Upper Italy, between 1261 and 1400, a lady's chemise and the making of it cost 14.77 lire; Rheims linen, 7.04; ordinary mourning cloth, O.45; black cloth from Moriana, 2.83; cloth from Mecheln, 43.83; from Ypres, 47.04; scarlet cloth, 80.44 per ell. (Cibrario, 1. 1.) On the other hand, to-day, in the Leipzig market, the difference in price of the dearest and of the cheapest cloth will scarcely surpass the ratio 18:1. Even Scaruffi, Sulle Moneta, 1679, 163, Cust, remarks that hemp-linen and similar coarse articles had increased much more in price than brocades; but he ascribes this circumstance to the disordered state of the coinage. It is much better accounted for by Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, I, 386, ed. Basil.814.Before the plague in the fourteenth century, the cwt. of lead was worth 10-½d.; of iron, 4s. 1d. (Rogers, I. 599.) On the other hand, between 1848 and 1856, the average January price of bar-iron was £7, 11s.; of lead, over £20. (Newmarch.)815.Так, в Англии цена:

Стекла составляла в 1826 г. 387%; в 1831 г. — 369%. Кожи составляла в 1826 г. 285%; в 1831 г. — 123%. Шелковых изделий составляла в 1826 г. 158%; в 1831 г. — 249%.

от цены тех же товаров в 1796 году. (Рау.) Из 29 химических продуктов парижского производства заработная плата составляет в среднем лишь 7,4% от продажной цены; а в некоторых случаях — всего от 1 до 2%. (Шаброль, «Статистические исследования города Парижа», 1821; Герман, «Государствоведческие исследования», 137.) В Буштиграде между 1670 и 1870 годами ячмень подорожал с 1 до 4,8; хмель — до 6,52; дрова — до 6,14; акциз — до 6,54; но пиво — только до 2,81; хотя заработная плата выросла в десять раз. (Инама-Штернегг, «История цен в австрийском выставочном отчете 1873 г.», 43.) 816.A silk cloak lined with fur cost in the time of Charlemagne, 400 scheffels of rye, one not so lined 200. (Hullmann, Finanzgeschichte, 212 ff.) In Florence in the fifteenth century, one pound of sugar was equal in value to 15 pounds of mutton. (Pagnini, 326.) In Turin, in the fourteenth century, 1 pound of pepper was equal in value to 28 pounds of salt. (Cibrario, III, 359, 362.) As late as the middle of the fifteenth century, the court of Duke William of Saxony paid for one pound of sugar 1 thaler and 8 groschens, while ducal fees paid to servants and workmen seldom exceeded 2 gr. Hence, even at a princely meal, often scarcely ½ a pound was consumed. (Büsching, Ritterzeit, I, 137 f.)817.Charlemagne's capitularies suppose a merchant's profits to be from 100 to 200 per cent. (a. 809, c. 34.) And even in our own day, merchants in the markets of Cabul are frequently not satisfied with a profit of from 300 to 400 per cent. (K. Ritter, Erdkunde, VII, 244), and the caravans which leave Maroc for the Soudan are wont, in exchange for commodities amounting in price to 1,000,000 piasters, to return with a supply of other commodities worth 10,000,000. (Stein-Wappäus, Handbuch, Africa, 33.) According to Büsch, Geldumlauf, II, 10, the price of East Indian products in Hamburg was some 70 per cent. higher than at home, while Pliny, H. N. IV, 26, speaks of a price one hundred times (?) as high; and its spices, at the time of Portuguese dominion, were sold at a profit of at least 600 per cent., in Europe. (Crawfurd, History, VII, 360; Ritter, Erdkunde, V, 872.)818.When Humboldt found a missionary near Cumana who paid 7 piasters for a cow, and was obliged to pay 17 piasters for blood-letting, rather unskilfully performed, he found an illustration of one of the peculiarities of colonial life—to have all the wants of higher stages of civilization but not the means of satisfying them. (Relation historique, I, 374.)819.Enormous payments made to distinguished virtuosi, actors, sophists and hetares at the time in question, also to Appelles, Aristides etc., for works of art. (Plin., XXXIV, 19, 2, XXXV, 36, 19.) The actor Aesopus (see § 233, note 6) had a fortune worth 20,000,000 sesterces, while Pompey, for instance, had 70,000,000. Roscius received from the state for every day he played, 286 thalers, and earned 43,000 a year. (Mommsen, Römische Geschichte, III, 483, 547.) Compare Cicero, pro Roscio Comœdo, 10, and Plin., H. N. IX, 59, X, 72. The zither-player, Amoebaeos, received one talent for each appearance. (Athen. XIV, 623.) According to Pliny, H. N. XXIX, 5, the Roman principes gave the most distinguished doctors yearly 250,000 sesterces, and even more as an honorarium. At the end of the eighteenth century, the greatest Parisian actors received from 4,000 to 5,000 francs per annum. Now 100,000 is considered a moderate income for one. (Journ. des Economistes, May, 1854, 279.) It is said that Frederick Hase earned $30,000 in America in ten weeks. (Leipz. Tagebb., 15 Jan., 1871.) Steuart, Principles, II, ch. 30. Adam Smith frequently represents it as a rule, that superfluous goods like gold and silver, are dearest among the richest nations, necessary goods among the poorer, and vice versa. But the supply has much more to do with the permanent price of a commodity than the demand for it has. And the principle above mentioned applies only in so far as the supply is here an unlimited and there a limited one. Hence, the comparison of silver with painters' and sculptors' works is not an apposite one—in the case of these there is a natural monopoly, while the former, on account of its durability and capacity for transportation, may, on the contrary, be increased almost at pleasure.820.Besides Böckh., Staatshaushalt der Athener, 1817, Book I, compare Arbuthnot, Tables of ancient Coins, Weights and Measures, 2d ed., 1754, Reitmeyer, Ueber den Bergbau der Alten, 1785, and Michaelis, De Pretiis Rerum apud veteros Hebræos, in the Comment. Societ. Gottingensis, vol. III. The principal sources of information among the ancients are Diodor., V; Strabo, III, V; Plin., H. N., XXXIII.821.The money revenue of the Persian king, to the amount of 14,560 talents yearly, was transformed into bars and thus deposited in the treasury. Herodot., III, 95 f. Even the little vassal prince Pythios of Celænæ had a treasure of 2,000 talents of silver and 4,000,000 pieces of gold. (Ibid, VII, 26 f.) On the money stores of private persons, see Plin., H. N., XXXIII, 47.822.An ox was worth, in Solon's time, 5 drachmas; in 410 B.C., 51 dr.; 374 B.C., 77¼ dr.; a medimnos of wheat in Solon's time, 1 dr., about 390, 3 dr., under Alexander the Great, on an average, 5 dr. (Böckh., I, 102, f.) The usual amount of ransom paid for a prisoner of war, in Kleomenes' time, was 2 minæ (Herodot., V, 77, VI, 79); under Dionys., I, 300 m. (Aristot., Oeconom, II, 21); under Philip of Macedon, from 300 to 400 m. (Demosth., De fals. Legat., 394); under Demetrios Poliorketes, 1,000 for a free man, 5 for a slave. (Diod., XX, 84.)823.This booty for Susa alone amounted to from 40,000 to 50,000 talents; for Persepolis, to 120,000; for Pasargadæ, to 600. Curtius, V, 2, 6; Strabo, XV, 731; Justin, XI, 14; Arrian, III, 16; Diod., XVII, 66, 71; Plutarch, Alex., 36.824.Oros., VI, 19; Dio, C., LI, 21; Suet., Aug., 41. Decline of the value of money under Constantine the Great, when the precious objects of the heathen temples were coined. (Monitio ad Theod., Aug. de inbidenda Largitate, Thes., Antt. Renn., XI, 1415; Taylor, ad Warm. Sandvic, 38.)825.Compare I Kings, 10, 14, 27 ff.; I Chron., 22, 2 ff.; II Chron., 9, 15 f., 12, 10 ff. On Ophir: K. Ritter, Erdkunde, XIV, 407 f.; on the wonders of the discovery of Spain: Herodot., IV, 152. Aristot., De Mirab., 146; Diodor, V, 35 ff. On the other hand, of Greece, Athen. VI, 19 ff.826.Compare Plin., H. N., XIV, 1. Yet the value of money in the time of the Cæsars seems to have stood much higher than it is now, as is proved, for instance, by the endowments by Trajan (16 sesterces per month for boys, and 12 sesterces per month for girls), as the alimenta furnished them according to Digest XXXIV, 1, embraced their entire support. Compare the excellent essay on this subject by Rodbertus, in Hildebrand's Jahrbb., 1870, I.827.The conquest of the Avares seems to have temporarily produced a considerable cheapness of the precious metals. (Guérard, Polyptiques, I, 141.) Increase of the value of money in Scandinavia, during the later part of the middle ages. (Wilda, Gesch. des deutschen Strafrechts, I, 323 ff.)828.In England, from 1279 to 1509, there were coined on an average only 6,868½ pounds sterling; from 1603 to 1830, on the other hand, 819,415 pounds sterling. The average in the time of George IV., per annum, was 4,262,652 (Jacob, ch. IV.) An evidence of the uncertainty of the history of prices in the middle ages is, that Jacob, ch. 12, infers, from the price of corn, that the price of silver remained rather stationary from 1120 to 1550, while Adam Smith, I, ch. 11, 3, infers from the same fact, a remarkable rise in the price of silver from 1350 to 1570. Concerning the latter, see Leber, Fortune privée au moyen Age, 16 f. Tooke-Newmarch, History of Prices, VI, 391; whereas Rogers, Statist. Journ., 1861, 544 ff., finds that in England, between 1300 and 1532, there was no change whatever in the price of silver. According to Soetbeer, Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, VI, 94, wheat and rye were, as compared with silver, worth during the Carolingian period, about one-fourth of its value, between 1750 and 1850. Hegel, Shassburger Chroniken, II, 1012, ascribes to gold over 2½ times as great a purchasing power in the 13th and 14th centuries as in the 19th century; and to silver, a purchasing power about three times as great.829.The silver ores of Peru and Mexico yield, on an average, only from 2 to 3 per 1,000 of metal; those of Potosi, at present, scarcely 1 per 1,000; those of Mexico, according to Humboldt, on an average, from 3 to 4 ounces per cwt.; so that many of the European ores are decidedly richer. While the veins of the Saxon mine, Himmelsfürst, have a breadth of only from 0.2 to 0.3 meters; the Veta-Madre of Guanaxuato, is in few parts less than 8, and it is sometimes even 50 meters broad; and the Veta-Grade of Zacatecas is from 5 to 10 meters in breadth. In Pasco there are veins of silver ore which have 114 and even 123 meters. Tschudi, Reise in Peru, K., 12; Chevalier, Cours, III, 184 ff., 241 ff. According to Humboldt, Essai sur la Nouvelle Espagne, III, p. 413, eleven times as many miners are needed at Himmelsfürst as at Valenciana to obtain the same quantity of silver.830.Thus, for instance, the celebrated ransom-money of Athahualpa (even according to Garcilaso de la Vega) amounted to only 5,000,000 thalers, while the French King John, after the battle of Poitiers, in 1356, had to pay 41,000,000 francs for his ransom. (Leber, Fortune privée au moyen Age, 121 ff.)831.Compare M. Chevalier, III, 190 ff. Discovery of the quicksilver mines of Guancavelica, 1567.832.The yield of Potosi amounted from 1545 to 1638, to 395,619,000 pesos. (Ulloa, Viage, II, I, 13.) Up to the present time, the aggregate yield there has been estimated at from 6,000 to 7,000 million francs.833.On the worse grounded assumptions of former writers, see Humboldt, N. Espagne, IV, 237.834.There was really introduced into Spain, about 1525, not much over 2,000,000 francs annually; and after 1550, six times as much. (L. Ranke, Fürsten und Völker, I, 347 ff.) Compare Humboldt, Ueber die Schwankungen der Goldproduction, in the Vierteljahrsschrift, 1838, IV, 18.835.On the Brazilian exports of gold in the 18th century, see Schäfer, Gesch. von portugal, V, 192 ff.836.According to Humboldt, N.E., IV, 218, the amount up to the beginning of this century was 17,000 kilogrammes of gold and 800,000 kilogrammes of silver.837.Thus, for instance, Mexico, during this period yielded, on an average, 65,000,000 francs, instead of the former amount of from 130,000,000 to 140,000,000. In Carro de Potosi, there were, in 1826, of the former 132 pool-works only 12 in operation. Compare Adams, The Actual State of the Mexican Mines, 1822. Jacob assumes that about 1830, the quantity of money in Europe and America was 1/6th less than in 1809. (Ch. 28.)838.Of this, 1,800 kilogrammes of gold from the United States.839.Fischer, Geschichte des deutschen Handels, 2d ed., II, 616 ff., 673 ff. But the Schwaz mines, in the Tyrol, are said to have produced, until 1523, 55,000 marks annually; the Freiberg silver mine, from 1542 to 1616, 16,000 marks annually. Compare von Langen, Kurfürst Moritz, II, 56.840.The Russian gold ores, quite insignificant before the year 1814, have made very great progress since 1840. Their aggregate yield, between 1814 and 1861, not taking into account the amount embezzled, amounted to 37,000 puds, the pud being equal to 16.3 kilogrammes. The best year, 1847, gave a yield of 1,757 puds; 1852-1861, an average of 1,556 puds; 1861 alone, 1,442 puds, of which 1,041 came from the private Siberian gold-sand washings. (Walcker, in Faucher's Vierleljahrsschrift, 1869, II, 115.)841.Spanish silver production yielded, in 1845, over 184,000 marks; in 1850, over 291,000. (Willkomm, Halbinsel der Pyranäen, 1855, 537.)842.Annales des Mines, X, 831 ff.843.Of this amount, there came to Europe, not including Russia, 150,000 kilogrammes of silver, 2,650 kilogrammes of gold; to Russia, 24,000 kilogrammes of silver and 30,000 kilogrammes of gold (embracing the quantities probably withdrawn without the knowledge of the custom's authorities); to the rest of Asia, 100,000 kil. of gold; to Africa, 4,000. (M. Chevalier.)844.According to Humboldt's assumption before the time of Columbus, Europe had a circulation of 170,000,000 piasters; about 1600, of 600,000,000; about 1700, of 1,400,000,000; in 1809, of about 1,824,000,000. Up to 1803, there was produced in America, 9,915,000 marks (Spanish) of gold, and 512,700,000 of silver. (N.E., 245.) Gallatin estimates that, before Columbus, there were 1,600,000,000 francs; in 1830, in Europe and America, from 22,000,000,000 to 27,000,000,000 francs. (Considerations on the Currency and Banking System of the United States, 1831.) According to M. Chevalier, 1850, all the silver which America produced had a volume of only 11,657 cubic meters; and all the gold of only 151 cubic meters. The latter, therefore, would not even fill the half of a French gentleman's salon.845.All the more in favor with governments because they affect principally foreign consumers. Thus, the Spanish government at first imposed a tax of 50 per cent. of the gross yield of the raw material, on the purchaser of silver; since 1503, under Orando, of 33-⅓ per cent.; and later yet, of 20 per cent. This last tax was therefore in full force under Cortes. This tax was reduced in Mexico, in 1725, and in Peru in 1736, to 10 per cent., and later, in the case of gold, to 3 per cent. Heavy taxation of Russian gold ore (35 per cent. of the raw material), by virtue of the ukase of April 14, 1849. Compare M. Chevalier, III, 274.846.Cantillon, Nature du Commerce, 215, 236, shows very clearly how the increase of the price of commodities was produced, in the first instance, by the increased consumption of the possessors of gold, and how it, therefore, first affected those commodities which they especially desired.847.This is the opinion of Adam Smith. Similarly of David Hume, On Money. According to Letronne, Considérations sur l'Evaluation des Monnaies Grecques et romaines, 119, and Böckh, Staatshaushalt, I, 88, the average value of wheat in relation to silver was, in Athens, 400 B.C., as 1:3146; in Rome, 50 B.C., as 1:2681; in France, shortly before 1520 after Christ, as 1:4320; in the nineteenth century it is as 1:1050. Th. Smith, De Republ. Anglorum, I, assumes that the price of silver, from the age of chivalry to 1625, decreased in the ratio of 120:40. The Spaniard, Moncado (1619), says as 6:1. (Jacob, ch. 19.) Jacob, himself, in comparison with his own time, as 7:1 (ch. 15.) Much more moderate is Newmarch in Tooke's History of Prices, VI, 345 ff., who assumes an increase in the prices of commodities of about 200 per cent. The estimated value of tithe-wine (Zehntwein) about doubled in lower Austria, during the sixteenth century. (Oberleitner, Finanzlage N. Oesterreichs im 16 Jahrhundert, 36.) According to the important researches of Mantellier, Mémoires de la Société Archéologique de l'Orleanais, vol. 1, 103 ff.; extract of Lespeyres in Hildebrand's Jahrb., 1865, I, 1, the purchasing power of silver as compared with the average value of twenty-seven commodities, assuming it to have been 1 from 1750 to 1850, was, from 1350 to 1450, 2.9; from 1450 to 1550, 2.8; from 1550 to 1650, 1.5; from 1650 to 1750, 2.1. According to Rogers, the prices of corn in relation to silver were from 1596 to 1636, at most 2.3 times as high as from 1260 to 1400; from 1637 to 1700, 2.6 times; from 1701 to 1764, 2.1 times; from 1726 to 1820, 3.2 times. (Rogers, I, 180.)848.In Germany, the rise in prices was first observed in the price of foreign groceries, which partly rose 400 per cent. Popular opinion looked for the cause in the evil disposition of the large commercial houses. In order to facilitate the competition of the smaller houses with the larger, the Reichstag, in 1522, prohibited all companies with a capital of more than 50,000 florins; and, in 1524, the royal treasury wished to bring suit against the violators of this law. But the cities contrived to avert the blow. (L. Ranke, Geschichte der Reformation, II, 42 ff., 134 ff.) In Spain, the government, especially between 1550 and 1560, endeavored to oppose the growing dearness of goods of all kinds, by prohibiting the exportation of the most important commodities, and by putting obstacles in the way of retail trade. The lower classes in England ascribed the rise to the suppression of the monasteries (Percy, Reliques of ancient Poetry, II, 296), while Henry VIII. endeavored to improve the condition of things by laws against luxury, the governmental establishment of fixed prices, the expulsion of foreign merchants etc. (21 Henry VIII.) The first writer who seems to have clearly seen the true cause of the changes in price was Bodinus, Response aux Paradoxes de Mr. de Malestroit touchant l'Enchérissement de toutes Choses et des Monnaies (1568). This work was translated into Latin by H. Conring, 1671; and done over in the work: Discours sur les Causes de l'extrême Cherté, qui est aujourd'hui en France (1574). Next, we have the English author W. S., A Compendious or briefe Examination of certayne ordinary Complaints of divers of our Countrymen of these our Days, London, 1581. In Befold's Vitæ et Mortis Consideratio politica, 1623, 13 f., we have a right explanation of the caritas sine inopia which is to be considered as the common property of his time.849.Similarly Quesnay, 77, Daire. Sir J. Stewart, Principes, ch. 3. Kraus, Vermischte Schriften, II, 131 ff. Hermann, Staatsw. Unters., 127. Helferich, Von den periodischen Schwankungen im Werth der edlen Metalle, 1843, 70 f.850.According to Cibrario, a hectolitre of wheat was worth, in Turin, from 1289 to 1379, on an average, 905 gr. of fine silver; that is, about three times as much as in Paris before the discovery of America, and as much as in Paris from 1546 to 1556. In Turin, from 1825 to 1835, it was worth about 1702 gr. In the fifteenth century even, the foreign embassadors complain of the enormous cost of living there. So, for instance, Raumer's histor. Taschenbuch, 1833, 162. Compare also, Carli, Del Valore della Proporzione dei Metalli monetati con i Generi in Italia prima delle Scoperte dell' Indie, 1760, in which he, indeed, exaggerates the matter, and seeks to prove his views by the coarsest sophistry.851.The chief result of Helferich's excellent researches. (Helferich, loc. cit.) The general opinion, indeed, is that this statu quo of the value of the precious metals was interrupted about the middle of the eighteenth century by another decline, and that the latter yielded to a subsequent rise in 1815 and afterwards. Thus David Hume, History of England, ch. 44, App. 31, ch. 49, App. A. Young, Political Arithmetics, ch. 6. More recently, Rau, Lehrbuch, I, § 176. M. Chevalier, Cours, III, 320 ff. One of the principal advocates of the opinion that every increase made in the medium of circulation produces a corresponding depreciation is Nebenius, Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift (1841). In England a quarter of wheat was worth, on an average, 38s. 8/9d., from 1595 to 1685. On a similar stability of corn prices in Belgium, see Schwerz, Belgische Landwirthschaft, III, 37. According to Suckburg (l.c.), the value in exchange of money from 1640 to 1700 declined 32-2/9 per cent.; from 1700 to 1760, 43 per cent.; from 1760 to 1806, 84 per cent.852.From 1637 to 1700 the price of corn in England averaged 51 shillings; from 1701 to 1764 only 40½ shillings.853.Thus, the dearness of wheat in Germany, during the first thirty years after the Thirty Years' War was caused, in large part, by the depopulation produced by the War.854.In Germany, also, the cause of the enhanced dearness of so many goods during the Thirty Years' War is to be sought for in the goods themselves.855.Since 1815, most Birmingham and Sheffield wares have fallen from 50 to 70 or 80 per cent. in price—at least from 20 to 30. (McCulloch, Statist. Account, I, 705.) The Quarterly Review, May, 1830, speaks even of an average decline of prices of English commodities in general, of 50 per cent.856.Excellently carried out in Tooke, History of Prices, III, 1838. That the world's market is not so very readily affected by an increase of the medium of circulation, is established by this fact, among others, that the immense exportation of French metallic money in consequence of the issue of paper money between 1716 and 1720, and again in 1790 and the following years, is coincident with very low prices of wheat in the neighboring countries. (Helferich, loc. cit., 139, 190 ff.) And yet, in the former case, the amount was 400,000,000 francs, and in the latter, at least 1,000,000.857.Jacob estimates this part at only 2-½ per cent., McCulloch, at 20, Lowe at 25, Necker and Helferich at 50, Humboldt at 66-⅔ of the whole quantity worked. It certainly is, in our day, on account of the ever growing aggregate supply, greater than hitherto; but it is very different in different countries. Nebenius, Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift, 1851, 56 seq., estimates the aggregate consumption of new gold and silver for industrial purposes at 14-½ piasters yearly, and in addition to this seven millions of old gold and silver (Bruchgold und Bruchsilber). The annual wear and tear of previously existing articles of gold and silver, it is estimated, amounts to 4,420,000 piasters (1/420); the annual increase of their aggregate amounts in Europe to 6,000,000 piasters (1-½ per cent., corresponding to the increase of population), and 4,200,000 (one-fifth of the entire consumption), is employed, as he claims, in gilding, plating etc. The last item is probably much increased by galvanic silver-plating, the invention of photography etc.858.Jacob embraces in the amount of metal employed in industrial purposes, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 1/5 of the amount which, after deducting the loss in Asiastic trade, was added to the gold and silver stores of Europe; i.e., in the seventeenth century, about 2,500,000 piasters yearly; in the eighteenth century, ⅔ (!); that is, annually, 15,000,000 piasters; in 1830, in England, £2,457,221; in France, 120,000; Switzerland, 350,000; in the rest of Europe, 1,605,490; in North America, about 300,000; altogether, £5,900,000. Humboldt's estimate is 21,000,000 piasters; McCulloch's, £6,050,000. According to the records of the Paris Monnaie, the amount of silver ware in France increased seven fold between 1709 and 1759. (Humboldt.) In England, between 1807 and 1814, 8,290,000 ounces of silver were stamped for manufacturing purposes, from 1830 to 1837, only 7,387,000; in 1851, 924,000. McCulloch estimates the annual consumption of silver, in Birmingham alone, for plating purposes, at 150,000 ounces; in Sheffield, at 500,000; and the gold consumption in the pottery districts at £650 per week. Birmingham consumed (1831) for gilding purposes, £1,000 gold yearly. (Whately.) It now employs weekly 3,000 ounces of gold and 6,000 ounces of silver in the manufacture of gold and silver ware, besides the quantity intended for gilding and silver-washing purposes. (Quart. Rev., April, 1866, 381.) The jewelers of New York manufacture yearly 3,000,000 of dollars worth of gold and silver ware, mostly new material. (Economist, April 16, 1853.) There were in Vienna, in 1781, only 167 workers in gold and silver; in 1840, 229; in 1847, 539. (Baumgartner, in the Wiener Akademie, May 3, 1857.) Jacob estimates the aggregate mass of gold and silver ware, in plate, instruments etc., in Europe and America, to be 1-¼ as great as that of the ready money; and in England alone to be twice as great (ch. 28); while Tengoborski thinks that at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the coin constituted ⅔ of the entire amount of the precious metals. Sometimes a movement in the opposite direction takes place, as, for instance, in those revolutions in which the silver of the church was confiscated; in the unfortunate wars of Louis XIV., etc. Nebenius, loc. cit., 17, mentions a South German silversmith who melted down in the years succeeding 1802, monastery silver to the amount of 11,000,000 guldens.859.On the wear and tear of coin, see § 120, and Hermann, in the Archiv. der politischen Oek., I, 1841. Compare also, Faust, Concilia pro Aerario, 1641, 263 ff. This wear and tear is so great that M. Chevalier supposes that it alone would suffice to reduce an amount of money under Constantine the Great of 5,000 millions to 300 millions, in the time of Philip IV. (ob. 1314.) Cours, II, 322. How great a number of coins, especially of the smaller denominations, are entirely lost is evident from the fact, that at the time of the demonetization of the 15-sous and 30-sous pieces of 1791-92, amounting to 25,000,000, only 16,000,000 were presented for redemption. Of the 10-centime pieces stamped with an N, amounting to 3,286,932 francs, there were only 2,000,000 left when they were withdrawn from circulation, and this although individuals had added to the coinage. (M. Chevalier, III, 321.) The total loss caused on this score, McCulloch estimates at 1 per cent. per annum, and Helferich, at ¾ per cent. The greater the aggregate stock of gold and silver, the greater the absolute amount of wear and tear. If, therefore, there were annually an equal influx of mineral products to the markets, the pressure of this increase of supply from that cause alone would take the shape of a converging series of prices. (Tooke, History of Prices, II, 151 ff.)860.Британская Ост-Индская компания экспортировала золото и серебро в среднем в год с: